



tim^ 






c^ 



K^^ -^^^ 









\ 



v7r,»v,A0- 









.xV^^ 






-^ A^ 



,0 0^ 



^* , . . , ^^ * - s ' 










.\0'°o 






J' 



,0 



■"^ 












\.' ^ ^^ 












■f'% 






o 



"00^ 












•.^^^ .^: 









// 






/ . . s ^ .A 



.•^^' 









^^^ -^^ 






.\^ ^:. 



s^-^^ 



\ T> O 



* 8 I 1 -^ ^ ^^^■ 



/ ^ 



Oe / 



-xx^^' -^-^ 



-i"--. 









■><. V 















, ^j> 



v:) 



°^ * S 












^0O^ 






A-JS 



oV 









.^^ '''. 



0^ 






■^> 



0\ 






,\ 






.0 o^ 



.0'^ 



/" "ISf. 



,-^ 



O' 



V " o / -Z- 



■'Vv-jisi''' 













^ti' 



: >.^' 






"^ aX 



: .^^- 






» I. " lO 









. O- s^ '. . 






/•^Jf' 



/ '^^ 



C 



0' 



. ^ 



^ ^ . . -. -^ ^a'"^ 












'>. 



--r. .\ 









%- * 3 N O 









_ V -■ • 



^^ ^^ - '^^. ,^\^ 






y -J- 






^- ^0 » V ■* ,0" ^ '/, 



A 



>• -r^, 



%..' 


■'^^- 


..^^ 




x^^' ■^, 


.: .s^ 


% 


-- 




.-^ .o'' 












:. .#^ 


--:, 






'"<:.. v^\' 


.•^"^ 


■"^..^^ 


^ 




s>-- ,^> 






■A 




% 


^^ 


*^^^\'' 


■S^"^. ' 


,-vV 




^ 



,\' 



<?- 






^ 






' '^^ 


v^^^ 




■a 






: x^^^.. 




■^ 




f^. 


,0- 




'O 


N. 




■/■ 


1 ' •. ^ 




r- 


N 




■P 


* 




, -< N 


^- , 










^ .$^"^ 


■^ 




o\' 


* 




V- 


> / 


. * 


-;^^ 


O. 




■ 0- 


•-> 




r 




0^ 




^ x^^ 


^^. 




/ 




V ., 







■'^. ' '■ 




'<>o"^ 




"--^ 


V*' 












'<^ 








^^' 


"'^. ' 











-o 








-s 








■o- 








(.• 












■^o 


0^ 


c 




,^•^ 


■<;^ 






\\- 


^--. 


V> 




^^ ' 






4. 



'' ' ..s- A . _ O ' '., .-►"" A^'^ ^ x"^ 






"^y. v^' 



A : ; ''>• ^ 






\, 



/ 



Memoirs 333^' 

of a 



Huguenot Family 



Translated and Compiled from the Original Autobiography of 

Rev. James Fontaine 



And Other Family Manuscripts; Comprising an Original Journal of 
Travels in Virginia, New York, etc., in 1715 and 1716 



By 

Ann Maury 



With an Appendix Containing a Translation of the Edict of Nantes, 

the Edict of Revocation, and Other Interesting 

Historical Documents 



Reprinted from the Original Edition of 1852 



G. p. Putnam's Sons 

New York and London 
Cbe Unlcl^erbochcr iprcss 



\ 



\ 



'/</^£?ft 






4"*^" 



<^ 



PREFACE. 



In bringing before the public this history of a private 
family, part of which was published some years ago, 
we feel it to be possiDie, that in our own admiration 
of the virtues of our forefathers, and our deep interest 
in the vicissitudes of their fortunes, we may over-esti- 
mate the pleasure a perusal is likely to afford the gene- 
ral reader. There are, however, so maii}^ individuals 
in the United States who are lineally descended from 
James Fontaine, that we think the publication is re- 
quired for them alone. We believe, also, that the 
work will address itself to the hearts of a numerous 
body of Christians, who glory, like ourselves, in a 
Huguenot origin, and who, in reading the following 
pages, may realize, more fully than they have hitherto 
done, the trials of their own ancestors in leaving the 
homes of their fathers for the sake of the Gospel, and 
be thereby incited to more steadfast faith. 

"We have been so much struck with some remarks 
upon the benetits to be derived from family history in 



fi PREFACE. 

a preface to the " Lives of the Lindsays," that we ven- 
ture to make a quotation which we think equally ap- 
plicable to the volume we are now introducing to the 
reader. 

"Every family should have a record of its own. 
Each has its peculiar spirit, running through the whole 
line, and, in more or less development, perceptible in 
every generation. Ilightly viewed, as a most powerful 
but much neglected instrument of education, I can 
imagine no study more rife with pleasm-e and instruc- 
tion. Nor need our ancestors have Ijeen Scipios or 
Fabii to interest ns in their fortunes. We do not love 
our kindred for their glory or their genius, but for their 
domestic affections and private virtues, that, unobserv- 
ed by the world, expand in confidence towards oui-- 
selves, and often root themselves, like the banian of the 
East, and flourish with independent vigor in the heart 
to which a kind Providence has guided them. An 
affectionate regard to their memory is natural to the 
heart ; it is an emotion totally distinct from pride, — an 
ideal love, free from that consciousness of requited 
affection and reciprocal esteem, which constitutes so 
much of the satisfaction we derive from the love of the 
living. They are denied, it is true, to our personal 
acquaintance, but the light they shed during their 
lives survives within their tombs, and will reward 
our search if we explore them. Be their light, then, 
our beacon — not the glaring light of heroism which 
emblazons their names in the page of history with a 



I'HKP^ACR. 



lustre as cold, though as dazzling, as the gold of an 
heraldic illuminator ; but the j^ure and sacred flame 
that descends from heaven on the altar of a Christian 
heart, and that warmed their naturally frozen atfec- 
tions, till they produced the fruits of piety, purity, and 
love — evinced in holy thoughts and good actions, of 
which many a record might be found in the annals of 
the past, would we but search for them, and in which 
we may find as strong incentives to virtuous emulation 
as we gather every day from those bright examples of 
living worth, wliieh it is the study of every good man 
to imitate. And if the virtues of strangers be so at- 
tractive to us, how infinitely more so should be those 
of our own kindred, and with what additional energy 
should the precepts of our parents influence us, when 
we trace the transmission of those precepts from father 
to son through successive generations, each bearing the 
testimony of a virtuous, useful and honorable life to 
their truth and influence, and all uniting in a kind and 
earnest exhortation to their descendants so to live on 
earth, that — followers of Him through whose grace 
alone we have power to obey Him — we may at last be 
reunited with those who have been before, and those 
w^ho shall come after ns — 

" No wanderer lost, 
A lamily in heaven." 

Be grateful, then, for your descent from religious, 
as well as noble ancestors ; it is your duty to be so. 



■n PREFACE. 

and this is the only worthy tribute you can now pay 
their ashes." 

On the former appearance of a portion of the pre- 
sent book, many supposed it to be a work of imagina- 
tion merely, presented under the guise of autobiogra- 
phy. It is therefore proper, now, to state that it is in 
truth what, on the title-page, it purports to be, an au- 
thentic narrative of actual occurrences, and is drawn 
entirely from family manuscripts. 

We have translated and printed in an Appendix 
various documents and edicts throwing light upon the 
history of the times, some of which, we believe, have 
not been published at length in the English language 
for more than a century. We took infinite pains, with- 
out success, to procure a translation of the Edict of 
Nantes, and were therefore induced to translate it for 
ourselves, and we think it desirable to place it within 
the general reach of the descendants of Huguenots, as 
a document in which they cannot fail to take an in- 
terest. 



CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER I. 



PAsm 

Reason for writing these memoirs — Noble origin of our family — Jolin de la Fon- 
taine born — Obtains a commission in tlie houseiiokl of Francis I. — Embraces 
Protestantism— Persecution — January edict — John de la Fontaine resigns his 
commission — Assassination — Flight of his sons to Roclielle — Marriage of James 
de la Fontaine — Attempt to poison him — Henry IV. at Eochelle, . . .18 



CHAPTER IT. 

James de la Fontaine— Fond of study— Travels abroad— Called to the Churches of 
Vaux and Koyan— First marriage— Children by it— Second marriage— Children 
by it— My father's person — Habits — Labors in the ministry — Sammons before 
the Governor— Second Summons — Death, S4 



CHAPTER III. 

My birth — Lameness — Imitation of my father's prayers — Meditations upon the hea- 
venly bodies — Sent to school — Anecdotes of boyhood — Disgusted with study- 
Letter to sister — Mr. De la Bussierc — Admirable preceptor — College — Take de- 
gree of Master of Arts— My mother's death— Division^f property, . , .89 



CHAPTER IV. 

Study with Mr. Forestier— His persecutions— Wife's firmness— Return home- 
Pray with neighbors — Absent at Easter — Poor people assemble in the woods 
— A spy — Warrants issued — A mason taken up— Recantation -Repentance — 
My return home — Warrant against me — Grand Provost and Archers appear— 
Prison— Permitted to pray 54 

1* 



10 CONTENTS. 



CHAPTER V. 

Provost and Archers make another tour— Twenty country people brought to prison 
—Well supplied by Protestant brethren— Prayer— Indictment — Confrontation — 
Eecollement— Examination of witnesses— Apply to be set at liberty— Accusation 
of the King's advocate— Dnngeon— Removed to Town Hall— Bribery proposed 
to me, 



6S 



CHAPTER VI. 

Trial before the Presidency— Digression— Defence— Angry discussion with the 
President — Query— Reply— Sentence, 88 



CHAPTER VII. 

Appeal to Parliament — Factum — President's remark— Sentence reversed — Register 
reftwes copy of decree — Apply for redress — Return home, K 



CHAPTER VIII. 

Persecution of 1685— Meeting of Ministers and Elders— My Opinion opposed to the 
Majority — Meeting of Protestants at Eoyan— Mr. Certani dissuades from Emi- 
gration-Interview with him— Gloomy Forebodings— Departure of Protestants 
—Dragoons appear— I leave Home— Visit Sisters— Traverse the Country— My 
betrothed, 



CHAPTER IX. 

Revocation of the Edict of Nantes— Preparations for flight— Difficulties and dan- 
gers of embarkation — Land in England — Cheapness of bread — Speculation in 
grain — Cruelty of a captain of a vessel, 118 



CHAPTER X. 

Singular proposal from a lady— Marriage — Mode of Living — Removal to Bridgewa 
ter — Assistance from Committee — Why discontinned— Application for Relief — 
Unkindness — Attempt to recover property, 128 



CHAPTER XI. 

Remove to Taunton — Receive Ordination — Keep a Shop — Manufactory — Prosperi- 
ty — Summoned before the Mayor — Defence — Speech of Recorder — Discharge, 142 



CONTENTS 



11 



CHAPTER XII. 

Revolution of 16S8 — Landing of the Dutch — Unexpected visitor — Soldiers billeted 
on me — Retirement from business — Calimanco — Profitable manufacture — Crip- 
pled Weaver — Secret discovered — Visit Dublin and Cork — Send sons to Hol- 
land — Increase of family, 151 



CHAPTER XIII. 

Arrival at Cork — Pastoral charge — Manufactory — Happiness — Dissension in the 
Church — Resignation — Reply — Remarkable Dream — Visit fishing station — 
Death of Aaron— Become Fisherman — Removal to Bear Haven — Loss of the 
Robert— Bad season — Trading voyage— Successful fishery — Loss — Irish neigh- 
bors, 168 



CHAPTER XIV. 

Attacked by a French Pri\ateer — Defence— Letter to the Duke of Ormoud — Am- 
munition furnished by Government -Small Fort — Visit Dublin- -London— Pen- 
sion — Copy of Warrant — Return Home, 193 



CHAPTER XV. 



Attacked by a second privateer — Ont-houses fired — Breach in the wall — Wound- 
ed — Surrender — Carried oflf to the vessel — Expostulation with Captain — Ran- 
som — Peter left as a hostage, 



209 



CHAPTER XVI. 

Affidavit before Magistrates — Retaliation on French prisoners— Reinoval to Dub- 
lin — Haunted house — Appear before Grand Jury — Award — Scliool — Education 
of children — Peter enters college — Jolin gets a commission in the army — Moses 
and Francis enter college — Moses studies law— Emigration to America — Mar- 
riage of children — Death of my wife— Failure of health — Conclusion, . . 2'-'7 



JOURNAL, SERMON, LETTERS, APPENDIX. 



JouBNAi, OF John Fontaine, 
Interesting Family Meeting, . 

Sermon, 

Letters of Mary Ann Maurt, 
Letters of Rf,v. Peter Fontaine, 
Letters of Peter Fontaine, Jun.. 
Letters of Rev. James Maoby, 



245 
311 
312 
82.5 
33.S 
857 
3Ti 



12 CONTENTS. 

LETTF.n FROM JOHN FONTAINB TO ReV. JaME8 MaTJKT, 442 

Letter from Colonel William Fontaine, 444 

Conclusion, 448 

Appendix, 453 

Edict of Nantes, 453 

Secret Articles, taken from the General ones, that the King granted to those of 
the pretended Reformed religion, 483 

Writ of grant from Henry the Great, to his subjects of the pretended Reformed 
religion, the 30th April, 1598, 494 

The King's Proclamation forbidding more than twelve persons to be present at 
the Weddings and Baptisms of persons of the pretended Reformed religion, 499 

Proclamation of tlie Sieur President and Lieutenant-Geneial of Sedan, forbid- 
ding persons of the pretended Reformed religion to expose, retail or sell ani- 
mal food or game on days when the use of it is prohibited by the Church, 499 

Copy of Memorandum, sent by Mr. Pelisson to various Bishops in Languedoc, 
dated 12th June, 1677 501 

Proclamation of the King forbidding those of the pretended Reformed reli- 
gion to act as Accoucheurs or Nurses, 503 

Declaration of the King to the effect that children of the age of seven years 
may be converted from the pretended Iteforiiied religion, &c., . . . 504 

Decree of the Council of State, forbidding private individuals to receive the sick 
of the pretended Reformed religion into their houses, 506 

Edict of the King, which revokes that of Nantes, and all consequent upon it, 
and forbids all public exercise of the pretended Reformed religion in the 
kingdom, 506 

Confession of Faith required to be subscribed to by converts from the Protes- 
tant Church ; a very little modified, in the articles upon Purgatory and the 
Invocation of Saints, from that which was prepared under Plus IV. after the 
Council of Trent, 611 



MEMOIRS 



OK A 



QUGUENOT FAMILY 



MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 



CHAPTER L 

BessoD for writing these nieiiioirs — Noble origin of our family — .Toiin lie la Fontaini 
born — Obtains a commission in the household of Francis I. — Embraces Protestant- 
ism — Persecution — January edict — .John de la Fontaine resigns his commission- 
Assassination — Flight of his sons to Eochelle — Marriage of James de la Fontaine- 
Attempt to poison him — Henry IV. at Eochelle. 

Let our beginning be in the name of the Lord who made 
heaven and earth. 

SEVENTY-EIGHTH PSALM. 

Give ear, O my people, to my law : incline your ears to tde word.-* oi 
my mouth. 

I will open my mouth in a parable ; I will utter dark sayings of old ; 

Which we have heard, and known, and our fathers have told us. 

We will not hide them from their <'hildren, showing to the genei'ation 
to come the praises of the Lord, and his strength, and his wonderful 
works that he hath done. 

For he established a testimony in .lao.ob, and appointed a law in Israel, 
which he commanded our fathers, that the}' should make them known to 
their children ; 

That the generation to come might know them, even the children 
wliich should be b<jrn, who should arise and declare them to their children ; 

That they might sot their hope in God, and not forget the works of 
God, but keep his commandments. Amen. 

I, James Fontaine, have commenced writing this history, 
for the use of all my children, on the twenty-sixth day of 
March, 1722 ; being sixty-four years old. 



14 memoirs of a huguenot family. 

My dear Children — 

Whenever I have related my own adventures to you, oi 
given you details of the incidents that befell your ancestors, 
you have evinced so deep an interest in them, that I feel I 
ought not to neglect making a record of the past for your 
use ; and I am determined to employ my leisure time in this 
way. I would fain hope that the pious examples of those 
from whom we are descended, may warm your hearts and in- 
fluence your lives. I hope you will resolve to dedicate your- 
selves, wholly and unreservedly, to the service of that God 
whom they worshipped at the risk of their lives, and that you, 
and those who come after you, will be steadfast in the profes- 
sion of that pure reformed religion, for which they endured, 
with unshaken constancy, the most severe trials. You cannot 
fail to notice, in the course of their lives, the watchful hand 
of God's Providence, supporting and preserving them through 
hardship and suffering. 

You need not look farther back than the period over which 
your own memories can stray, for numberless instances of the 
providential care of that same God, whose " hand is not 
shortened." 

I have gained the knowledge of those events which occurred 
before my day from my mother, my older brothers, and my 
aunt Bouquet, my father's sister ; and I have the most per 
feet conviction of the truth of all which I relate. 

For my own part, I trust that, while recording the past 
mercies of God for the benefit of my descendants, I may de- 
rive personal advantage from the review. The frailties and 
sins of the diff"erent periods of my life, thus brought to mind, 
ought to cause me to humble myself before the throne of 
grace, aud tremblingly implore pardon for the past, through 



NOBLE OEIum. 15 

the mediation of my blessed Saviour ; and the assistance of 
the Holy Spirit to make me watchful and circumspect tor the 
time to come. When I look back upon the numberless, un- 
common, and unmerited mercies bestowed upon me during 
the whole course of my life, I hope that my gratitude v/ill be 
increased towards my Almighty Benefactor, and my confi- 
dence in him so strengthened, that I may be enabled for the 
future to cast all my care upon him. Groat as is my debt of 
gratitude for the things of this life, its manifold comforts and 
conveniences, how incalculably greater is it for the mercy to 
my immortal soul, in God having' shed the blood of his only 
begotten Son to redeem it ! Oh, my God ! I entreat thee to 
continue thy fatherly protection to me during the few days I 
have yet to live, and, at last, to receive my soul into thine 
everlasting arms. Amen. 

I shall begin the narrative as far back as I have been able 
to ascertain the facts with certainty. I must remind you at 
the outset, that our name was originally De la Fontaine, and 
not Fontaine only. You might find the original name on re- 
cord in Rochelle, where my grandfather held some command 
in the Tower. I have seen his name, signed Jaqnes de la 
Fontaine, to the deed made out when he purchased the house 
adjoining the fish-market in Rochelle, which house was part of 
the marriage portion of my sister Gachot. My father always 
signed his name De la Fontaine, during the life of my grand- 
father, but afterwards, from motives of humility, he cut off 
the De la, the indication of the ancient nobility of the family. 
My brothers wished to resume it when they married, but my 
father would not consent, thinking there was more of vanity 
than utility in it for one like him.self wit!i ;i largo family and 
very little property. You must know that in France, an in- 



16 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILT. 

dividual of noble family cannot engage in trade or the me- 
ehanic arts, without forfeiting his claim to nobility. 

I have insinuated that our family was of noble origin, and 
it is true ; but I would not have you glory in that knowledge, 
but rather in the much greater and more glorious nobility 
which I am going to lay before you — the suffering and mar- 
tyrdom for the cause of true religion of those from whom we 
are descended. 

The father of my great-grandfather could not bear the idea 
of bringing up his sons, according to the usual habit of the 
nobility, without any employment, and therefore placed his 
son in the king's service. It is with this son I commence 
these annals. 

John de la Fontaine was born in the province of Maine, 
near the borders of Normandy, about the year 1500; and as 
soon as he was old enough to bear arms, his father procured 
him a commission in the household of Francis I., in what was 
then called " Les Ordonnances du Roi." It was in the tenth 
or twelfth year of that monarch's reign that he entered his 
service, and he conducted himself with such uniform honor 
and uprightness, that he retained his command, not only to 
the end of the reign of Francis I., but during the reigns of 
Henry II., Francis II., and until the second year of Charles 
IX., when he voluntarily resigned. He and his father had 
become converts to Protestantism on the first preaching of 
the Reformed religion in France, — about 1535. He had 
married, and had at least four sons born to him, during his 
residence in the Court. He wislied to retire to private life 
at an earlier period, but being in the king's service was a sort 
of safeguard from persecution. He and his family not only 
ran less risk from his remaining near the king's person, but it 



PERSECUTION. 1 T 

gave him the means of showing kindness to his Protestant 
brethren, and oftentimes shielding them from oppression. He 
was much beloved by his brother oflBcers, and by the men un- 
der his command, which made the Roman Catholic party 
afraid of disturbing him ; though, at the same time, his exem- 
plary piety and benevolence marked him as one for whose 
blooQ they thirsted. 

You may read in history how the kingdom of France was 
laid waste by abominable persecutions and civil wars, on ac- 
count of religion.* In the interval, between the year 1534 



* Open hostilitiea were occasioned by an event which occurred at the 
little town of Vassy, in Champagne, in the year 1562. The Protestants 
were engaged in prayer outside the walls, in conformity with the king's 
edict, when the Duke of Guise approached. Some of his suite insulted the 
worshippers, and from insults they proceeded to blows, and the Duke him- 
self was accidentally wounded in the cheek. The sight of his blood enraged 
his followers, and a general massacre of the inhabitants of Vassy ensued. 
The report of this roused the suffering Huguenots throughout the king- 
dom, and a savag^e and bloody war followed, during which, Anthony of 
Bourbon, King of Navarre, fell, fighting in the Catholic ranks, leaving a son 
eight years old — the future Henry IV. — that great supporter of the Protes- 
tant cause. The constable Montmorency was taken prisoner, and the Duke 
of Guise slain : thus the Catholics were without a leader. The Prince of 
Condd being also a prisoner, and the Protestant Coligny the only chief re- 
maining on either side, an accommodation appeared indispensable ; and in 
March, 1563, an edict was granted, which allowed the Huguenots to wor- 
ship within the towns they were possessed of, up to that day. This per- 
mission led some of the bishops and other clergy who had embraced Pro- 
testantism, to celebrate divine worship in the cathedrals, according to the 
rites of the Reformed Church. Such an extension of the meaning of 
the edict had never been contemplated, and it was soon modified by a de- 
cliration, that ancient cathedrals should in no case be used as Protestant 
churches. 

Another edict was passed very shortly, which imposed greater restric- 
tions, and the Huguenots, finding that they were likely to lose by edicts all 
that they had wrested from the king by the sword, prepared to take up arms 
again, and in 1567 another struggle commenced, which, with a very short 
interval of peace, lasted until 1570, when a treaty was concluded upon terms 
80 favorable to the Huguenots, as to excite some suspicion in their minds 
that all was not right. They were to have liberty of conscience, and theii 



18 MPJMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

and 1598, when Heury IV. granted the celebrated Edict of 
Nantes, the professors of the pure faith were most particu- 
larly subjected to every kind of cruelty and injustice. These 
persecutions were carried on with some of the forms of law, 



worship was allowed in all Uie towns they had held during the war; and 
they were permitted to retain and pfarrison Eochelle, Montauban, Cognac, 
and La Charite, as guarantees for the observance of the treaty. 

All had now the appearance of peace ; but it was the delusive calm 
which preceded a storm : vengeance was preparing, and the massacre of St. 
Bartholomew's day followed with all its horrors, which are too well known 
to need repetition. The number of Huguenots slaughtered, has been esti- 
mated at 50,000. Those who survived were for a moment paralyzed by the 
blow, and the Catholics themselves seemed stupefied with shame and re- 
morse. Charles was as one struck by avenging retribution ; he became rest- 
less, sullen, and dejected, and labored under a slow fever to the day of his 
death. He tried to excuse his perfidy on the plea of its having been ne- 
cessary for self-preservation : and he sent instructions to his ambassador 
in England, to give such an explanation to Queen Elizabeth. Hume, speak- 
ing of this interview, says, " Nothing could be more awful and afteeting than 
his audience. A melancholy sorrow sat on every face : silence, as in the 
dead of night, reigned through all the chambers of the royal apartments — 
the courtiers and ladies clad in deep mourning were ranged on each side, 
and allowed him to pass without affording him one salute or favorable look, 
till he was admitted to the Queen herself" 

The lives of the young Prince of Conde and Henry of Navarre had been 
spared, on condition of becoming Catholics, a condition to which they mere- 
ly pretended to accede, as both attempted to escape from Paris immediately 
afterwards. Cond^ alone was successful, and placed himself at the head 
of the Huguenots ; and this sect, which Charles had hoped to exterminate 
at one blow, soon mustered an army of 18,000 men, and they had kept pos- 
session of Eochelle and Montauban, besides many castles, fortresses, and 
smaller towns. Thus Charles, and Catherine his mother, gained nothing 
by their infamous treachery, but a character for perfidy and cruelty which 
has been unequalled in the annals of history. 

After the death of Charles IX., the condition of the Huguenots was ever 
changing; they were frequently in the field, and when successful, obtained 
favorable edicts, which were broken as soon as they laid down their arms, 
and then they would resume them, and fight until their success gained 
fresh concessions. 

In 1576, the Catholic league was formed, having for its main object 
the exclusion from the throne of France of Henry of Navarre, who was 
next heir to Henry III., the reigning monarch. War was carried on between 
the League and the Huguenots, until 1594, five years after the death of 



JANUARY EDICT. 10 

but tlie gallows was erected and the fires were kindled, not 
to support the law. but in the vain hope of striking from the 
earth the very name of Protestant. The means which were 
adopted, however, had frequently an effect exactly the oppo- 
site of what was intended and expected, increasing rather than 
diminishing the followers of the true faith. The martyrs, by 
their constancy, proved, in many cases, the instruments which 
God made use of to open the eyes of the papists, and it was 
no uncommon occurrence to see those who had aided in the 
destruction of others rush to the same martyrdom themselves. 

The Protestants, in some of the provinces, were irritated 
beyond endurance, and took up arms, not against their 
monarch, but in self-defence against their persecutors. This 
led to an Edict of Pacification, granted on the 17th of 
January, 1561-2, commonly known in history as the January 
Edict. Charles IX. was then in his minority. The Pro 
testants, believing this to be in good faith, very generally laid 
down their arms. 

John de la Fontaine resigned his commission at this time. 
He thought himself protected by the Edict in the exercise of 
his religion, and therefore felt himself no longer under the 
necessity of remaining in the king's service, to make use of his 



Henry III., when Henry IV. from motives of policy, united himself to the 
Catholic church, and was tliercupon (jfcnerjilly recognized as the Ipgitiinitte 
monarch. He still felt favorably disposed towards his old friends, and in 
1")98 granted the celebrated edict of Nantes, which allowed them to worship 
in freedom in all towns where their creed was the prevailing one. They 
were to pay the regular tithe to the established church, but were permitted 
to raise money for their own clergy, and •:o hold meetings of their represen- 
tatives for church government. In all lawsuits Protestants were to have 
the privilege of one half the judges being of their own faith, and several 
towns were left in their possession for u limited time as a surety. The par- 
liament objected to registering this edict, but the king was resolute, and 
fliiuUv overcame their obstinacv. 



20 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

luilitary profession as a buckler iu time of profound peace 
He retired to his paternal estates in Maine, where he hoped 
to end his days peacefully in the bosom of his family, wor- 
shipping God according to the dictates of conscience, with 
tliose of his neighbors and friends who yet survived. He was 
greatly mistaken in his anticipations of tranquillity following 
the Edict : the change was for the worse ; whereas, heretofore 
the proceedings had been openly carried on, and with the sem- 
blance of justice, founded upon the king's proclamation 
against the (so-called) heretics ; now, all was secrecy, prisons 
and judges were alike uncalled for, any wretched vagabond, 
imbued with the spirit of bigotry, could at once exercise the 
functions of judge and executioner. Armed miscreants broke 
into the houses of the Protestants at midnight, they robbed 
and murdered the inmates with attendant circumstances of 
cruelty, at which humanity shudders, and they were en- 
couraged in their atrocities by priests, monks and bigots, who 
made them promises of the tenor of that given to the city 
watch by the Sanhedrim of Jerusalem, " If this comes to the 
governor's ears, we will persuade him and secure you." 

No inquiry or examination followed these excesses, and 
the Protestants, in self-defence, were again obliged to have 
recourse to arms, to repel nocturnal insult and guard against 
treachery. 

John de la Fontaine had long been watched by sworn 
enemies of God and his Gospel, who hated him on account of 
his piety and his zeal for the pure worship of God. He was 
a stanch supporter of the Protestant Church, and occupying 
an elevated position, it was judged expedient to get rid of 
such a man as soon as possible, in order the more easily to 
scatter ur destro} the congregation to which he belonged. 



ASSASSINATION. 21 

In the year 15G3. a nunihiT of ruflSans were dispatclied 
from the city of Le Maus to attack his house at night. He 
was taken by surprise, dragged out of doors, and his throat 
cut. His poor wife, who was within a few weeks of her con- 
finement, rushed after him, in the hope of softening the hearts 
of these midnight assassins, and inducing them to spare the 
life of her husband ; but. so far from it. they murdered her 
also, and a faithful valet shared the same fate. Oh, ray chil- 
dren ! let us never forget that the blood of martyrs flows in 
our veins ! And may God of his infinite mercy grant that 
the remembrance of it may enliven our fiuth, so that we prove 
not unworthy scions from so noble a stock. 

God has promised to bestow special blessings upon the 
seed of the righteous, and we can generally see his providen- 
tial care guarding the children of those whose blood has been 
shed in his service. He mercifully preserved the lives of 
the three younger boys, and guided their steps to a place of 
safety. The oldest was about eighteen, and of his fate I am 
uncertain, but have reason to believe that he was from home 
when his parents were murdered, and that he also was mas- 
sacred. The second son, James, my grandfather, was about 
fourteen years old ; Abraham was about twelve, and the 
youngest was nine years old. at the time of the murder. 
They were filled with horror and consternation, and fled from 
the bloody scene, without any guide save the providence of 
God, and no aim but to get as far as possible from barbarians 
who had in a moment deprived them of both father and 
mother. They found their way to llochelle, which was then 
a safe place, and, indeed, for many years a stronghold of Pro- 
testantism in France, containing within its walls many devout 
and faithful servants of the living God. These poor boys 



22 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUP^NOT FAMILY. 

were at one blow deprived of parents and property, and from 
ease and affluence plunged into poverty. They were actually 
begging their bread when they reached Rochelle, and had no 
recommendation but their affliction and their prepossessing 
exterior. I have been told they were fair and handsome, and 
had evident marks of belonging to a good famtly, and having 
been well brought up. Some of the inhabitants took com- 
passion upon them, and gave them food and shelter in return 
for little services they were capable of performing. A shoe- 
maker, who was a charitable man, fearing God, and in easy 
circumstances, received James into his house, treated him 
with much kindness and affection, and taught him his own 
trade, but without binding him to it as an apprentice. This 
was no time for pride of birth or titles of nobility to be 
thought of, but rather to be thankful to God for putting it in 
his power to earn his daily bread by honest labor. It was 
not long before he was in receipt of sufficient wages to enable 
him to support his younger brothers, but in a very moderate 
way, for they all three lived poorly enough until James 
reached manhood. He then engaged in commerce, and his 
after career was comparatively prosperous. 

He married and had several children, but only three who 
lived to be marriageable, two daughters and one son. The 
latter was my father, and was born in the year 1603, long 
after the others. He married again, but happily had no addi- 
tion to his family. It would have been much better for him 
to have remained a widower, for his last wife was a wicked 
woman who became tired of him, and tried to poison him, and 
though she did not succeed, for medical aid was promptly 
obtained, yet the offence became too notorious to be hushed up, 
and she was taken to prison, tried, and condemned to death. 



HENRY IV. AT ROCHELLK. 23 

It SO happened that Heury IV. was then at Rochelle, and ap- 
plication was made to him for a pardon. He replied, that 
before making an answer, he should like to see the husband 
she was so anxious to get rid of, to judge for himself whether 
there was any excuse for her. When my grandfiither ap- 
peared before him, he called out, " Let her be hanged ! Let 
her be hanged ! Ventre Saint Gris !* He is the handsomest 
man in my kingdom." 

I have seen a picture of him, which should now be in the 
possession of my sister Madame L'Hommeau's descendants 
at Jouzac, in Saintonge. That picture represented him as 
very handsome, with a full face, pure white and red com- 
plexion, and a long flaxen beard reaching to his waist, with 
a few hairs white fi'om age intermixed with it. He was also 
of a good height, and well proportioned. 

He died in the year 1633, at the age of eighty-three. He 
left property to his family amounting to about 9000 livres. 

* The accustomed oatli of Henry IV. 



CHAPTER 11. 

J»in«s (te la Fontaine— Fond of .study— Travels abroad— Called to the ChnrcLes of 
Vaux and Eoyan— First marriage— Cliildren by it— Second marriage— Children by 

it — My father's person — Habits — Labors in the ministry Summons before the 

Governor — Second Summons — Death. 

I CONTINUE the narrative with what I know of my father, the 
youngest child and only son of James de la Fontaine, who re- 
ceived his own name. James. He was of delicate constitution, 
and he was from the earliest age very fond of books, which 
circumstances decided his father not to bring him up to a 
trade of any kind, but to make every possible effort to culti- 
vate his taste for study, and to give him an education to fit 
him for one of the learned professions. He was assisted by 
several friends in this undertaking, but most effectually by Mr. 
Merlin, a sincere and worthy servant of God, a Protestant 
minister in Rochellc, who gave James gratuitous instruction 
in various branches of knowledge. 

My father's inclination towards the office of the holy 
ministry soon evinced itself, and he did not hesitate to follow 
the pious impulse, though fully aware of the dangers incident 
to the vocation. When his education was somewhat advanced, 
his pious and generous friend, Mr. Merlin, further assisted him 
by recommending him to the Countess of Royan as a suitable 
tutor to a young relation of hers. In that capacity he accom- 



TRAVELS ABROAD. 25 

panied the young man to the college of Saumur. and superin- 
tended his studies there, while he availed himself of the ad- 
vantages, thus opened to him, of completing his own prepara- 
tion for the ministry. 

After leaving college, he travelled with his pupil through 
various countries, and he was thus enabled to perfect himself 
in several living languages. In the course of their travels 
they went to London, and they remained there long enough to 
allow my father to fall in love with a very interesting and ac- 
complished young lady named Thompson. Slic was of good 
family, spoke the French language with fluency; she played very 
well upon the Spinette, and was altogether a remarkably well 
educated person. My father was obliged to return to France, 
but before they parted they exchanged portraits, and promised 
to be constant to each other until they could meet again. 

Very soon after his return home, he received a call from 
the United Churches of Vaux and Royan. which met the ap- 
probation of the Synod, and by its authority he was installed 
as pastor. At that time there was a good church edifice in 
each of these small places, and they were united under the 
charge of one minister. My father was cherished and ten- 
derly beloved by the whole community, from liis first appear- 
ance amongst them until he ended his days. 

He steadily performed the duties of his sacred office for 
one year, and lie then re(iuested his flock to grant him a 
short leave of absence, to allow him to go to London and 
fetch that dear one to whom he had plighted his troth. He 
found her, as he expected, true to her promise, ready to fulfil 
her engagement, and return with him to his own country. 
They were married in London in the year 1628, and imme- 
diately returned to the borough of Vaux, where they took up 
2 



26 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

their abode in a small, and not very convenient house, which 
they hired. They continued to occupy it until her death, 
which took place twelve years after their marriage. They 
had been very happy together, and were the parents of several 
children, five of whom lived to mature age, and perhaps I 
may as well name them here, before I proceed to the second 
marriage of my father. 

1. Jane married unfortunately a Mr. L'Hommeau, a man 
of good property, but who turned out to be an idle, drunken 
spendthrift, who wasted his substance in riotous living, and in 
the end Jane was obliged to maintain herself and family by 
keeping a school. 

2. Judith married Mr. Guiennot, and was left a widow 
with four children. She was seized during the persecution 
and confined in a convent, from which she only obtained release 
by making a compulsox'y abjuration. She was so fortunate 
as to escape from France, and she and her daughters main- 
tained themselves by needlework in London. 

I would here pause, and call your attention to the uncer- 
tainty of this world's goods. You may observe, in the short 
history I have already given of the fortunes of a single 
family, how mutable are all worldly possessions. Who could 
have foreseen, when the father of my grandfather was honored 
and respected in the Court of Francis I., that three of his 
children would have to beg their bread from door to door, and 
be glad to learn how to support themselves by mechanical em- 
ployments ; and equally in my father's family ; how little 
could it have been anticipated, when Jane and Judith married 
rich men, that they also would be obliged to work for their 
living ! 

3. James was educated for the ministry, and became pastor 



CHILDREN OF FIRST MARRIAGE. 27 

of the church at Archiac, in Saintonge. He had the iiifirniitj 
of stammering when he repeated any thing that he knew by 
l>eart, so he was obliged to employ another person to repeat 
the Creed and the Lord's Prayer in his church ; but he could 
preach and pray extemporaneously without any hesitation. 
He died before the great persecution came on, but his widow 
endured cruel sufferings for the faith. She was imprisoned 
for three years, and during part of the time she was confined 
in a dungeon, but at last she was liberated and banished from 
France. She reached London in safety with three sons, one 
of whom became a Protestant minister in Germany. 

4. Elizabeth, married to Mr. Sautreau, minister at Saujon, 
in Saintonge, under whom I studied. His church was con- 
demned, and he and his wife and children went to Dublin, 
where he was urged to receive Episcopal ordination, but he 
thought the Presbyterian Church more like that to which he 
had devoted himself in his own country, so he gave it the pre- 
fei^cnce. He determined to take his family to America ; and 
he, his wife and five children were wrecked, and all drowned, 
within sight of the harbor of Boston, their destined port. I 
think we may add these seven persons to the list of martyrs 
in our family, as they had abandoned their home and posses- 
sions for the Gospel's sake. 

5. Peter, who was also brought up to the ministry, had no 
sooner completed his preparation than he was appointed to 
assist my father, as his colleogue, in the church at Vaux ; 
where he succeeded him at his death, and remained until the 
demolition of the church. When it was about to be con- 
demned, ho was served with a '• Lettre de Cachet," confined 
in the Isle of Oleron .^ix months, and then banished from the 
kingdom, without the possibility of taking liis two older 



28 ^[i:MorRS of a huguenot family. 

dau<'liti'r.s with liiiu. for the hiw forbade ininisters to take out 
of the country any of their children who were above twenty 
years old ; but, by the good providence of God, they were 
able to join him afterwards in London, where, as you know, 
he spent the remainder of his days, filling the office of minister 
or chaplain at the Pest House, beloved and respected by all 
who knew him. 

His youngest daughter, Esther, became the wife cf John 
Arnauld. the grandson of my aunt Bouquet, a highly estima- 
ble man, of whom I shall have occasion to speak again in the 
course of these memoirs. His uprightness and correctness 
of judgment caused him to be fre(|uently called upon, to act 
as umpire, when differences arose between any of the French 
merchants in London. 

6. Francis ought not to be passed over without mention, 
though he died too young to leave any descendants. He was 
gifted with the most astonishing memory. When only six or 
seven years old he was mvxch in my father's study, where he 
heard the children and other pupils learning their lessons, 
and so retentive was his memory, that from simply hearing 
them repeat aloud what they were going to recite, he acquired 
the whole so perfectly, that when any boy paused for a word, 
he supplied the deficiency instantly ; and that, not in English 
lessons only, but in Latin and Greek. My father became 
apprehensive that he would have a jumble of words in his 
head, without any ideas attached to them, and therefore posi 
tively forbade him to learn the lessons of others. The poor 
child, nevertheless, continued to do it, and he excused himself, 
saying, he could not help remembering that which he heard 
repeated over and over again ; so, at last my father thought 
it best to begin to teach him Latin, in order that his memory 



SKCOND marriagp:. 29 

n)ight be employed connectedly at any rate. He made the 
most rapid progress, and soon surpassed boys twice his age. 
In due time, he accompanied his elder brother, Peter, to col- 
lege, at Saumur, and before he had been there a year, he be- 
came an object of admiration to professors and students alike. 
At the end of the second year, he had distinguished himself 
so much, that he was looked upon as a prodigy for his years, 
and great hopes and expectations were raised as to his future 
career, all of which God saw fit to disappoint by taking him 
to himself soon after. He was too good for this world. 

My father was married to his second wife, Marie Chaillon, 
my mother, in the year IGll. She was from the neighbor- 
hood of Pons, in Saintonge. where her father possessed con- 
siderable property, and resided at a country place named Rue 
au Roy, distant about a mile and a half from the town. She 
was a handsome brunette, twelve years younger than her 
husband, to whom she brought a marriage portion of four 
thousand francs, which was expended, by her desire, in the 
purchase of the small estate of Jenouille, and the adjacent 
manor of Jaffe. My father made an addition of several 
rooms to the house already built upon the property, so that it 
might comfortably accommodate a few boarders in addition 
to his own family ; for at that time he received pupils to 
educate with his sons. 

The issue of the second marriage was remarkably similar 
tu the first ; five children by each, two sons and three daugh 
ters, who lived to a marriageable age. 

I. Susan, married Stephen Gachot, a grandson, through 
his mother, of that most excellent, pious, Christian minister, 
Mr. Merlin, of Rochelle. This circumstance was not without 
its influence upon my father, in gaining his consent to wha< 



30 MEMOIKS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

proAcd a miserable marriage. Gachot was drunken and diss! 
pated, and treated my sister unkindly. He even threatened 
her life with a pistol. He squandered his wife's portion, and 
had mortgaged his own property, when he became known to a 
man named Jeudy, a collector to the farmers of the Royal 
Domain, who, perceiving him to be an acute, clever, and un- 
scrupulous sort of man, engaged his services as a clerk or 
assistant collector. They were men of one mind, knowing 
how to fill their own purses. They committed acts of vio- 
lence in making their collections, that made them worthy of 
two halters, and it was most fortunate for Gachot, that at 
the time he was beginning to tremble for fear of inquiry, a 
decree was issued by the Court, which ordered all Protestants 
in public employments, either to recant or resign. Gachot 
was only too glad to avail himself of the opportunity to give 
up his employment, and pretend to be a good Protestant. 
Jeudy envied him his escape from investigation of his doings, 
and wished that he too had been of a Protestant family. 
After a while the dragoons came, and Gachot readily changed 
his religion to retain his ill-gotten wealth. He jocularly ob- 
served, " I can accommodate myself easily to the Church of 
Rome, for I do not understand Latin, and so I cannot be 
scandalized by her services, which are all in that language." 
He remained in France, and my poor sister with him. 

2. Peter was light-complexioned, and of a very pleasing 
countenance. He was first appointed minister of St. Saurin, 
in Saintonge, and then removed to the church at Salles, in 
Aunix. He married, unhappily for himself, a little, ugly, 
haughty, jealous, worldly-minded woman of good fortune, who 
ruled him. She would not tolerate in him any evidence of 
aftection to uu>thcr, brothers or sisters. She must be all in 
all to him. 



CHI1.DKEN OF^ SECOND MAKRIAOE. 31 

On one occasion, my mother went to St. Saurin, a dis- 
tance of four leagues from our house, to visit this dearly be- 
loved son, and she was so much fatigued and exhausted with 
her ride, that she went to lie down as soon as she alighted 
from her horse, and begged to have a little herb soup. Her 
own maid, whom she had taken to wait upon her, was busy 
pieparing it for her, when, her daughter-in-law went into the 
kitchen, in a very bad humor, vexed at her mother-in-law 
being there, and still more that her husband should have re- 
ceived his mother with evident marks of kindness and affec- 
tion, and, in this mood, she took a fire-brand out of the fire, 
and began to stir the broth with it. The servant cried out. 
•' Madam ! what are you about 7 here is a spoon for you." 
She answered contemptuously, " It is good enough for her." 
This was very inconsiderately repeated to my poor mother, 
who was so much wounded by it, that she shortened her visit ; 
she mounted her horse to return home next day, and never 
again went to the house of this dear son. Peter knew the 
cause of it, and he was deeply grieved ; but still, his wife had 
become so entirely the governing power in his house, that he 
made no effort to correct the grievance. 

Three years before the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes, 
he began to collect money with which he intended to leave 
France. He sold whatever he could, and he had raised about 
l."),000 francs in gold, when he thought it was time to apply 
for a passport. He obtained one from the king, in which 
his wife and two daughters were included, and they all four 
might easily have quitted the kingdom, but he had still some 
sums of money due to him, which he hoped to receive, and so he 
lingered on from day to day, and kept it a secret that he had 
procured a passport. At length the dragoons made their appear- 



32 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

ance in Rochelle, and he felt it was high time to make use of 
the passport ; which he accordingly produced to the Intend ant. 
He looked at it carefully, and discovered that it was dated 
six months before. He exclaimed, " Oh ! oh ! Sir, you can 
derive no benefit from this, it is of old date. We can see 
through your designs, you have not used your passport in order 
to take time to collect money, to carry out of the country with 
you, contrary to law. You must now either change your religion, 
or I can tell you the dragoons will soon have your treasure." 
He turned round, and gave immediate orders that ten or 
twelve dragoons should go to my brother's house. They 
went and took possession of every thing they could find, but 
the gold was too carefully concealed for them to discover it. 
My brother had hidden it in a barrel of wine. 

During the succeeding night his wife was a greater tor- 
ment than the dragoons. She left no argument untried to 
persuade him to ask time for consideration on the subject of 
religion, and then she told him they could find an opportuni- 
ty, in all probability, to escape with their gold, before the 
time allowed to consider should have expired. At any rate, 
she said if he would only get the dragoons out of the house, 
she would follow him where he pleased. He resisted all her 
entreaties for some time, and told her he would rather beg 
his bread in a foreign land, where he could worship according 
to his conscience, than have the greatest wealth at home if he 
were obliged to abjure his religion to gain it. 

The cursed Eve gained her point by morning, and he put 
forth his hand to the forbidden fruit. He went to the In- 
tendant at an early hour, and told him he wished for time to 
study the subject, and see whether he could change his re< 



CUILDREN OF SECOND MARRIAGE. 33 

ligion. The dragoons were thereupon ordered from hia 
house, and fifteen days allowed to him for consideration. 

Observe, my dear children, the fatal influence of a bad 
wife over a too yielding husband. The first step was per- 
•suading him to withhold, from his affectionate, widowed mo- 
ther, that respectful tenderness to which she was entitled. 
The next was to induce him to temporize for the sake of gold, 
and finally, he was forsaken of God. He, who had been as a 
shining lamp in the tabernacle, preaching to others, renounced 
the pure faith he had taught, and signed the act of abjura 
tion. It is always thus; the great enemy of mankind tempts 
us first to commit small sins, and the downward path be- 
comes easier as we descend. Let us lay to heart the lesson 
taught in the fall of some members of our family, and leara 
from it distrust of self and dependence upon God, for the 
grace of his Holy Spirit, to sustain us through temptation and 
deliver us from evil. It is a comfort to me to know that my 
brother had no son ; thus there is not one descendant of my 
father, bearing the honored name of Fontaine, who is now 
living in France in what I consider idolatry. 

3. Mary, married Peter Forestier, a zealous minister, au 
able preacher and a sound theologian, of whom I shall have 
occasion to make honorable mention hereafter. 

4. Ann, my youngest sister, the light and joy of the house, 
married Leon Tcstard Sieur des Meslars. He changed his 
religion, or pretended to do so, when the dragoons came, but 
my sister remained firm in her faith, and could not give up 
the hope of escaping from France, and in about two years 
after the abjuration it was accomplished. They landed in 
safety at Plymouth, but my sister's health was much impaired, 

and she died a few months after reaching England, well satis- 

* 



34: MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

fied to leave this present life and enter upon her heavenly 
inheritance. She was rejoiced to leave her children in a land 
where the gospel was preached in all its purity. 

I, James, was the youngest child of my parents, but be- 
fore I narrate my own life I will say something more of my 
father. , 

He was a man of fine figure, pure red and white complexion, 
and of very dignified deportment, commanding the respect of 
all with whom he came in contact. He was a remarkably 
abstemious man ; he lived chiefly upon milk, fruits and vege- 
tables, during the greater part of his life, but towards its close 
he lived more generously, in conformity with the advice of his 
physicians. He was never to be seen amongst his flock at 
feasts or entertainments, but he made it an invariable rule to 
pay a pastoral visit to each family twice in the year. He 
hastened to the sick and afflicted as soon as their sorrows 
were made known to him. Almost all the people were Prot- 
estants in the neighborhood where he lived, so all belonged to 
his church, and when it was known that he was praying with 
any sick person, crowds would flock to hear him, and fre- 
quently the houses could not contain those who came. He 
was zealous and afi"ectionate. and employed all his gifts, his 
time, his knowledge and his talents, in the service of God, for 
the good of his people, and he was rewarded even in this life 
by the aff'ectionate attachment of his flock. He was a man 
of unusual attainments ; he had great learning, quick and 
ready wit. clear and sonorous voice, natural and graceful 
action ; he always made use of the most chaste, elegant and 
appropriate language ; and genuine humility, crowning the 
whole, gave an indescribable charm to his discourses, and all 
jvho heard him were delighted. 



Mv father's pkkaciiikg. 35 

The following incident may serve as an example of his 
facility in preaching. On the afternon of a Communion Sun- 
day he had just given out his text, which had been selected 
with reference to the services of the morning, when he per- 
ceived some Capuchins and Jesuits enter the church. He 
paused and addressed his own people, saying : " The text I 
have read to you is of a kind suitable for the edification of 
those who. by the grace of God, have been already well in- 
structed in pure religion ; but I see persons before me whom 
I believe to be still in a state of superstition and ignorance ; 
I therefore feel it my duty, for this time, to leave the ninety 
and nine, and strive to bring back the lost sheep to the fold." 
He then turned over the leaves of his Bible, took a contro- 
versial text, upon which he gave an extempore discourse, and 
treated the subject with so much force and perspicuity, that 
the Fathers were obliged to confess, on going out, that they 
had never heard error (as they called it) so well defended. 

The Synod thought most highly of his judgment and discre 
tion. and on that account they usually selected him for the 
difficult task of reconciling differences between pastors and 
their flocks, when any such occurred. 

He generally succeeded in healing the breach, and his 
eloquence freciuently drew tears from the eyes of his auditors, 
at the same time that it softened their hearts towards each 
other. 

He was invited to take cliargc of a cliurch at Iloclieile, 
where he was offered a salary just twice as large as that 
which he was receiving, but he refused decidedly. He had 
not the heart to abandon a flock who loved him so much. 

I have mentioned that he was Pastor of the United 
Churches of Vaux ami llovan. At the commencement of 



36 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUKNOT FAMILY. 

his ministry he preached in one church in the morning, and " 
the other in the afternoon, taking each church alternately for 
the morning service. They were distant from one another 
two short miles. In course of time an Order in Council was 
issued, condemning the church at Royan, and it was pulled 
down accordingly. My father went there as usual, and perse- 
vered in holding services upon the ruins of the church. 

The Governor was much enraged when he heard of it, and 
sent him a summons to appear before him at Brouage, to an- 
swer for the offence. My father rested his defence upon the 
ancient privileges and liberties accorded to the people. The 
Grovernor said he knew of no privilege or liberty that subjects 
could claim but such as had been granted by the king, the 
council, or the ancient laws. This church had been built, he 
said, without the king's permission, which was the fact, and 
therefore, as its erection had been an act of usurpation in the 
first instance, no one could consider its demolition now to be 
an arbitrary stretch of power. He added, that the distance 
was so short from Royan to Vaux. that it could not be con- 
sidered a ^reat hardship for his followers at the former place 
to walk to the latter to hear him. My father was obliged to 
acquiesce. 

Another Order in Council was issued soon after, which 
forbade Pi>testant ministers to wear their clerical robes in 
the stree<i. My father looked upon this as an indignity, and 
appeare'l abroad in his robe as he had hitherto done. The 
Governor summoned him to appear before him a second time 
to ans^j-ei for this new offence. 

He ryent. accompanied by the elders of his church, and 
attvre*'. in bis fobe. The wife of the Governor was present 
at the cxamifntion, and so much was she touched with the 



ANTICIPATION OF PERSECUTION. 



37 



dignified eloquence of his defence, that she entreated her 
husband to permit him to continue wearing a garb to which 
he did so much honor. 

The often repeated occurrence of little vexatious trifles, 
such as those named above, made it evident to my father that 
more serious persecution was at hand. He did every thing 
in his power, by prayer and teaching, to prepare his flock for 
the day of trial. His labors were blessed in no common de- 
gree, and the efl'ects of his instruction were visible long after 
he had been laid in the grave. When the great persecution 
came on, eighteen years after his death, a most unusual pro- 
portion of the Protestant population of Vaux and Royan fled 
the kingdom for the sake of the truth. There were few 
parishes in which so small a number of persons abjured their 
religion under the terrors of the dragonade, and of those who 
were terrified into doing so with their lips, I believe there are 
many who still worship God in sincerity around their family 
altars. 

My father was never seen in the transaction of worldly 
business of any kind. My mother attended to all such mat- 
ters. She consulted with him in any case where she had 
doubts, but she alone appeared. She received and paid 
money, she gave directions to work-people and servants ; thus 
my fatlier never came in contact with his flock but in the exer- 
cise of his spiritual functions, and this circumstance no doubt 
contributed to the respect witli which all looked up to him. 

His favorite recreation was gardening, and it was in com- 
ing out of his ganlcii. in the VL'ur 1G66, that he was seized 
with apoplexy, which proved fatal. 

It is impossible to describe the aftiiction caused by his 
death to a large circle of mourning parishioners, as well as to 



38 atKMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FA^IILV. 

his own immediate family. I knew not then the full extent 
of my personal loss , but I have since thought that I was 
perhaps the greatest sufferer of all, for, had it pleased God 
to lengthen his days, what a guide and instructor would he 
have been to me ! 



CHAPTER III. 



My birth— LameD«ss — Imitation of my father's prayers — Meditations ipon the heavenly 
bodies — Sent to school — Anecdotes of boyhood — Disgusted with study— Letter to 
sister — Mr. De la Bussiere — Admirable preceptor — College — Take degree of Master 
of Arts — My mother's death — Division of property. 



I HAVE now arrived at the history of my own life, which I 
shall give more in detail, as being more immediately interest- 
ing to you than the annals of past generations. You will 
find a varied tissue of adventures, checkered with alternate 
extremes of prosperity and adversity, but amidst its joys and 
sorrows, you will not fail to discern the hand of Almighty 
God leading me by his good Providence, watching over me, 
and making all things work together for my good. 

I was born at Jenouille, on the 7th April, 1658. The 
first sorrow of my life proceeded from the carelessness of my 
nurse : she trusted me to her daughter's care, who was a 
young and giddy girl, and she played and romped with me 
tossing me in the air and catching me in her arms. At last 
she missed her hold and let me fall on the ground, by which 
my leg was broken a little below the knee. The nurse lived 
at Royan, and being desirous to conceal the disaster from my 
parents, she took me of her own accord to an ignorant sur 
geon, near at hand, who relieved her apprehension by pro- 
nouncing that no harm had been done. He was entirely mis- 
taken, and the bone, not having been set, reunited of itself 



40 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

in process of time, with considerable enlargement at tlio 
place, and making the leg shorter and weaker than the other, 
thus causing lameness for life. 

I inherited something of the family beauty of face, and 
resembled my father more than any of my brothers and sis- 
ters, and I was of a very lively and inventive turn. When 1 
was only four years old, I was so taken with hearing my father 
read the Scriptures and pray with the family, that I had a 
fancy to imitate him, and I called together the servants and 
my sisters, and made them kneel down while I prayed. They 
gave my father such an account of my proceedings, that he 
and my mother became curious to hear me. I would not 
proceed until they also knelt down with the rest. My father 
was much affected by the earnestness of my manner, and he 
thought he could discover a germ of piety and talent, which 
he prayed to God to nourish and strengthen so as to produce 
fruit in due season. 

I was seven years younger than any of my brothers and 
sisters, and I was consequently left much to myself, and used 
to reflect a great deal upon all that I saw and heard ; and 
some of the meditations of my childhood were rather unu- 
sual, and perhaps worth relating. 

You must bear in mind that all my knowledge was de- 
rived from what I could see for myself, and learn from the 
Holy Scriptures, which I heard my father read in the family 
daily. I beheld the glorious sun arise each morning, re- 
joicing our hearts by the light and warmth which he impart- 
ed ; and when he disappeared, the vault above our heads was 
enamelled with thousands of stars. I watched another beau- 
tiful luminary, which appeared to change its shape day by 
day; now it was perfectly round, but each night it became 



MEDITATIONS OX IlKAVKNIA' I?()Dn:s. 



41 



less and less, and then, by the same gradual change, it in- 
creased again and returned to its first glory. I was led from 
these observations to meditate upon the structure of the 
heavens. I had heard my father read from the Scriptures, 
that God inhabited a light which no man could approach 
unto, and also that St. Paul had been caught up to the third 
heaven. I was satisfied that the dwelling-place of God wag 
above the sun, the moon, and the stars, and all resplendent 
with the light that his glory difi"used around him. I thought 
that the floor of the third heaven must be of a solid sub- 
stance, in order to sustain the weight of the celestial court, 
which I understood consisted of an infinite number of angels 
and glorified saints. Brilliant as was the sun, I concluded 
that the light, he shed abroad, only came through a hole in 
the ceiling of the second or floor of the third heaven, giving 
us a faint gleam, of the glorious eti'ulgence, which illuminated 
the abode of saints and angels. The stars were, according to 
my system, only so many small gimlet-holes in that part of 
the floor which was most distant from the throne of God. 
The moon, I supposed, was a large hole, nearly as large as 
the sun. but, like the stars, away from the immediate pres- 
ence of God. I had no difficulty in accounting for her 
changes, because I could produce the same gradually varying 
shape, by sliding a lid over the top of a pot, and it was easy 
to imagine it the employment of some of the angels of God, 
to slide the round cover over the round hole of the moon, ac- 
cording as they were bidden. I thought thunder and light- 
ning were produced by the discharge of guns and pistols in 
the heavens ; the rain was poured through small holes by the 
angels, whom I concluded were very numerous, and always 
busily employed in obeying the cuniiiiaiids of God. T hail 



42 MEMOLRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

but one difficulty in my system, and that was, how it was pos 
Bible for the heavens to turn round, without shaking the founda- 
tions or pillars, upon which David had said that the earth 
rested. But, if my reason proved unequal to the solution, 
my faith made up all deficiencies ; for I was confident that 
every thing was easy to Him, who had made all things out ol 
nothing. I spent many solitary hours ruminating upon these 
subjects, and when I was satisfied with the plan in my own 
mind, I propounded it to my sisters and the servants, and as 
they saw no difficulty, I was emboldened to submit my astro- 
nomical system to my father for his opinion. He saw that I 
had taken the Scriptures for my foundation, and as I was too 
young to understand the true philosophy of the heavenly 
bodies, he thought it best not to undeceive me. 

When I was six years old, my father took me to Rochelle, 
and placed me under the care of Mr. John Arnauld, who kept 
a school there. He was married to a daughter of my father's 
sister, my aunt Bouquet, and he lived under her roof. I 
learned to read, write, and cipher during two years that I was 
his pupil. 

Perhaps, as the traits of boyhood prefigure the future char- 
acter of the man, it may not be amiss to relate two anecdotes 
of these early school-days, which indicated resolution. Mr. 
Arnauld followed literally the precept of Solomon, not spoil- 
ing his pupils by sparing the rod. He always administered 
the chastisement in private, from motives of delicacy, because 
he had girls as well as boys in the school. We boys were 
talking together one day of the severity of our master, and 
speculating upon the number of stripes he gave at each whip- 
ping, and wishing that some one would count them. No one 
else off"ering to do it, I volunteered to make the attempt on 



SCHOOL DAYS. 43 

the next occasion. It was not long before my delinquenciea 
drew upon me the usual punishment. 

I cried and screamed as vociferously as ever during the 
preparation for chastisement, but became suddenly silent when 
he gave the first stroke, for I found it impossible to cry and 
count at the same time. Mr. Arnauld was astonished, and 
looked me in the face to see what was the matter ; he saw 
nothing wrong, so he gave a second blow with more force , 
I still kept silence, counting to myself, for I was intent upon 
keeping count, and at the same time concealing from him that 
I was counting. His astonishment increased, and he struck 
again with his full strength, which did not make me lose 
count, but forced me to break silence, and cry out involunta- 
rily, with a tone so much the louder for having been long sup- 
pressed : " THREE." " Ah ! you rogue ! you are counting, are 
you? There, count, count, count;" and he struck me so rap- 
idly, that I must acknowledge I lost the count — but some- 
thing was gained by the trouble I had taken, for I am sure I 
received an extra number of stripes as a reward for my 
hardihood. 

The other incident was similar. Mr. De la Laude, who 
now lives at Port Arlington, in Ireland, was at Rochelle, in 
Mr Arnauld's school, at the same time that I was there. We 
became the greatest friends, and we desired some mode of 
showing it to each other. We decided, at last, that when 
either of us should be taken to the room for chastisement, 
the other should follow and call Mr. Arnauld names for his 
cruelty, which would, of course, irritate him, and then we 
should both be punished together. De la Laude was first 
in fault, and no sooner had the master ordered him out, than 
I ran after them, and asked Mr. Arnauld why he was going 



44 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

to whip my friend? what had he done? &c. The object was 
fully accomplished ; and after we had both been well whipped, 
we fell on each other's neck and embraced, being too full of 
joy at having proved the sincerity of our friendship, to mina 
the bodily pain. The time appeared long until the occasion 
came round when I could know that my friend would do for 
me as I had done for him, but it came at last, and I had the 
inexpressible satisfaction of finding that he was sincere, for 
he too drew upon himself the anger of our master, by reprov- 
ing him for punishing me. 

Mr. Arnauld tried to discover what had prompted such 
conduct, but we would not have disclosed it for the world. 
Some of our schoolfellows, however, let out the secret. He 
tried various expedients to conquer our resolution, but in 
vain. At one time he punished the innocent and allowed the 
guilty to go free. This pleased us mightily, for we were able 
to testify our affection by sparing each other from the rod. 
At last, his mother-in-law. my aunt Bouquet, persuaded him 
to adopt the following plan. His habit was to keep a record 
of the faults of each pupil, and to administer the rod when a 
certain number had been committed. So when one of us 
two had reached the limit, his punishment was delayed until 
the other had filled up his measure, and then both were whip- 
ped at the same time. This plan worked well, and made us 
circumspect, to spare each other. 

My mother sent for me from Rochelle, soon after the 
death of my father, when I was eight years old. My dear 
young friend De la Laude accompanied me. We went by sea 
to La Tremblade, and spent the night there at the house of 
an old woman who had been a servant in my father's family 
many years. She made us very welcome, regaled us with the 



DANGEROUS ILLNESS. 45 

best she had, and carried her mistaken kindness so far as to 
give each of us a goblet of wine. This made us too merry 
for sleep, and we danced and sang through the night. 

My mother only kept me at home two weeks, and ther. 
sent me to Mr Forestier, who had recently married my sister 
Mary. He was minister of the Church of St. Mesmc in Aii- 
guomois. I commenced Latin under his tuition, but whether 
I was wilful, or he negligent. I am unable to say. It is cer- 
tain, however, that I made very little progress during five 
years that he was my preceptor. 

While I was with him. two sons of the Marquis de Sire 
were sent to the school, who infected us with a shocking 
eruptive disease. The drugs and the science of the apothe- 
cary were alike exhausted, in vain attempts to cure us. My 
sister was in despair about it, when a journeyman tailor, at 
work in the house by the day, told her he could cure the dis- 
ease. She allowed him to try his skill upon me first. He 
bought three or four pcnnywortli of (quicksilver, rubbed it 
smoothly and perfectly into hog's lard, and with this prepara- 
tion I was anointed from head to foot, before a good fire. 
The application was thrice repeated, and my skin became as 
clear and pure as ever. The apothecary had much to say 
upon the danger of this remedy, and so frightened my sister, 
that she did not venture to use it for the other boys. Not 
long afterwards, I was taken very ill with a violent fever, 
which lasted several weeks, and finally turned to inflammation 
of the brain. The Doctor attributed the illness entirely to 
the effect produced by the ointment, that had driven in the 
eruption. My life was despaired of, and my sister sent aii 
express to inform my mother of my condition. She came off 
immediately, and so hopelessly had my case been represented 



46 MOIOIKS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

to her. that she brought every thing necessary for my burial 
God mercifully inclined his ear to her prayers for my life^ 
and raised me from my sick bed, but I had returns of fever 
from time to time for many months. 

I am particular in relating the foregoing, in order tc 
net as a warning to you. in the careful use of remedies 
for the diseases of your children, and by no means to trust 
to the prescriptions of presumptuous quacks. 

The Church at St. Mesme did not pay Mr. Forestier's 
salary with punctuality ; consecjuently, the Synod punished 
them by removing him to Arvert. In less than a year the 
arrears were collected, and the Synod restored Mr. Fores- 
tier to them. 

I retvrned home at fourteen years of age, and. after 
six years of study under Mr. Forestier, I scarcely knew 
the regular declensions of nouns. 

I was thought entirely too wild to be trusted with any 
but my relations for preceptors, so my mother now tried 
another brother-in-law for me. Mr. Sautreau, minister at 
Saujon in Saintonge, the husband of my sister Elizabeth, 
who was my godmother. 

Mr. Sautreau had very few pupils, he was extremely 
severe, he required all lessons to be repeated with the 
strictest verbal accuracy, but took no pains to explain the 
meaning of any thing. He inflicted corporal punishment 
for very slight errors I was weary of being beaten like 
a slave, ashamed of m}' ignorance, and disgusted with study, 
when I formed an intimacy with a youth who was appren- 
ticed to a druggist, and whose comparatively happy situa- 
tion I envied He used to give >ue a few sweetmeats, and 
made me long for the abundant supply of such things that 



LETTER TO SISTEE. 47 

he possessed. I thought I would write to my mother and 
ask her to change my destination, for I saw plainly that 
I was wasting my youth and exhausting her purse with- 
out any advantage. But how could I venture to broach 
such a subject ? I had been devoted to the holy ministry 
from my birth. My father had been a minister, my three 
brother.s, two brothers-in-law, two maternal uncles, were all 
ministers of the Gospel. My mother had placed me for 
tuition with ministers, whom she hoped would lead rae in the 
way she desired. After all this, to tell her that I wanted to 
be a shop-boy, I dare not do it, I should be afraid of breaking 
her heart. After much deliberation I determined to write to 
my sister Anne, and make her my confidante. I first pointed 
out to her my own miserable deficiencies ; I had studied so 
many years and made so little progress, that I had lost all 
hope of doing better in future. I told her I had the greatest 
possible reverence for the ministerial oflSce, I looked up to it 
as the most honorable of all employments ; but then, if it 
was an undertaking beyond my strength, if I had not the re- 
quisite gifts, I ought not to enter upon it ; and therefore it 
would certainly be the best to waste no more time and money 
in preparing for it. After having, as I thought, made my in- 
capacity appear very plain, I proceeded to open my mind to 
her upon the plan I had formed for my future career. I then 
begged her to keep my letter a profound secret, but on some 
favorable occasion to tell my mother, as it were, of her own 
accord, how poorly qualified I appeared to be for the important 
and noble vocation of a minister of the Gospel ; and to sug' 
gest the expediency of letting me leave ofi" study, and try 
whether I should not do better at some more common em- 



4r8 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

ployment. After all this preparation, I disclosed my wish 
to be placed as an apprentice in a druggist's shop. 

Notwithstanding all my precaution, my sister Anne did 
not keep my secret, she thought it was her duty to make 
known the communication I had made. Great was the con- 
sternation produced by it, and a family council was summon- 
ed to deliberate. Peter the elder, and Peter the younger, 
were both sent for by my mother, and she told them she 
thought my brother-in-law, Mr. Sautreau, was tired of me 
and had dictated this letter in order to get rid of me. The 
two Peters were of a different opinion, they discovered a fire 
and vivacity in the style altogether foreign to that of my 
brother-in-law ; they therefore decided that the letter was 
mine, and mine alone, and it was the unanimous opinion that 
my mother ought to keep me at study. I had defeated my 
object by the pains I had taken to accomplish it, for they 
said that the ingenuity of my arguments to prove incapacity 
established incontestably the fact that inclination alone, not 
talent, was wanting. 

My mother was so deeply grijeved that she fell sick upon 
it. She sent my brothers witli her answer to me, which was 
to the effect, that if I gave up studying for the ministry, she 
would give up me. I should experience a change for the 
worse in every way, they told me ; my handsome clothing 
should be changed for coarse garments, and I should be sent 
to a school kept by one Perrinet, who was notorious for his 
mode of imparting instruction by free administration of 
stripes and frequent fasts ; and if I still refused to study 
I should be sent to sea, and she would see me no more. 

I decided to remain at my studies, but I tried hard to 
gain a change of masters at the least, through the interces- 



iffi. DE LA BUSSIEEE. 49 

sioD of my brothers. But the answer was, " Stay where 
you are, or go to Perrinet." 

A short time after this ineffectual struggle for liberty, Mr. 
Sautreau beat me unmercifully, and I felt so dreadfully out- 
raged by it, that I quitted his house next morning, at break of 
day, and lame as I was, I ran home, a distance of fully six miles. 
I hoped to soften my mother, but she was immovable ; she 
would not suffer me even to kiss her, but told me to go 
straight back ; she offered me only the old alternative, of 
going to Perrinet, if I refused. She said she would not 
allow me to sleep in her house. I had set off from Saujou 
without having breakfasted, and the only refreshment fur- 
nished by my mother was dry bread. 

You may imagine, better than I can describe, the feelings 
with which I commenced my walk back again ; but my mo- 
ther must be obeyed, and I can truly say, that the mortifica- 
tion I experienced from her cold reception, was much more 
painful than the blows or the taunts of Mr. Sautreau. 

When I had completed three years at Saujon, my mother 
heard so much of the great skill of a Mr. De la Bussiere, at 
Marennes, in imparting learning, that she, most happily for 
me, determined upon trying what he could do with me, whe- 
ther he could draw forth the talent, which the family council 
had decide!, that I possessed. 

Mr. De la Bussiere was a very eccentric man, a Protest 
ant layman. He was an excellent Greek and Latin scholar ; 
he wrote pretty poetry, and he was withal a good physician. 
He was as obstinate as a mule ; he drank to excess, but did 
not commence his potations until the labors of the day were 
ended. He had ten or twelve pupils, but no boarders, for he 
and his wife had only one small room, which served as kitchea 



50 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

bedchamber and study ; and a little closet or store-room 
which contained only a few plates and dishes. His dress was 
a threadbare cloak, once black, now of a reddish brown, and 
always covered with dust. He never used a razor, but when 
his beard became inconveniently long, he cut it off with a 
pair of scissors. Their slovenly apartment did not contain 
Buch a thing as a looking-glass. In short, he was, what is 
called in England, •' a mere scholar ;" he had learning, and 
nothing else. 

I had hitherto learned from the Port Royal Grammar, 
which Mr. De la Bussiere held in perfect abhorrence. He 
esteemed the masters who taught with it, and the pupils who 
learned from it, as ignoramuses alike. The result of my nine 
years' labor was, that I knew the whole of this grammar by 
heart. I began then at the age of seventeen " omne viro 
soli,^' a fine prospect. His plan was altogether different 
from my former teachers ; he explained every rule thoroughly 
to me, and required me to find twenty examples in some 
author. His explanations and exercises soon brought into 
play the stores that memory had laid up ; I was astonished 
to find that I had accumulated such a mass of materials with- 
out being able to make use of them until now. 

We had no holiday but Sunday. Every Monday morning, 
Mr. De la Bussiere expected to receive from his pupils a full 
account of the sermon they had heard on the preceding day. 

I made rapid progress. In the second year I translated 
Du Mouliu's French Logic into Latin, and thus became fami- 
liar with the terms in Latin. At the end of three years we 
parted, and I was well satisfied with what I had acquired. 
Mr. De la Bussiere knew human nature well, and he had the 
faculty of inciting his pupils to the utmost exertion, and 



COLLEGE OE GUIENNE. 51 

guiding them as he pleased. A single word of reproof, from 
him. affoctod nie more than tlie severe punishments of my for- 
mer preceptors. 

My next step was to the college of Guicnnc, which was 
supported by the king, and much resorted to by Protestants. 

A great mortification awaited me there ; Latin was the 
only language made use of. and though I was familiar with 
the best Latin authors, I could not speak it, and found myself 
unable to follow the lecturers. I did not allow this to dis- 
courage me ; I was still given to building castles in the air, 
as in my childhood ; in order to make Latin more familiar I 
resolved to meditate in that language ; I forbade my thoughts 
to clothe themselves in my mother tongue, and thus I succeed- 
ed well, and was soon able to reflect upon what I read in La- 
tin, and I could express myself with ease. I also hired a 
private tutor to assist me in the hours of relaxation, and by 
these means I could keep pace with the professor. I may 
say, with truth, that during the two years I remained at col- 
lege. I spent sixteen hours out of every twenty-four in study. 
Fourteen students took the degree of Master of Arts at 
the same time ; I was the second on the list. At the age of 
twenty-two, I found that five years of hard study had com- 
pensated, in some degree, for the previous nine years of neg- 
ligence. 

I am under great obligations to Mr. De la Bussiere for 
making me what I am. and therefore I feci it is his due to 
perpetuate the remembrance of his talents amongst my de- 
scendants, which I can perhaps do in the best manner by re- 
lating something that occurred while I was at college. 

His wife died, and he removed to Bourdeaux during my 
second year there. He was unchanged in his appearance : he 



52 MEMOIKS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

was as slovenly as ever, and was clad in the same threadbare 
cloak, and the same little collar. 

During the professor's lecture, it was customary for 
strangers to occupy a bench, appropriated for their use ; and 
for one half hour, from half-past eleven to twelve o'clock, 
they might argue, if they pleased, upon any subject connected 
with the thesis of the day. One of the students was always 
expected to speak in reply to the stranger. A day seldom 
passed without some priest, monk, or Jesuit, taking a seat on 
the bench. 

One morning an Abbe took his seat, who was dressed 
with the utmost elegance ; Mr. De la Bussiere followed close 
after him. The students began to exchange glances and crack 
jokes upon the slovenly appearance of the latter, and they 
continued to do so, even after the professor had made them a 
signal to stop their ill-timed mirth. 

I spoke in a whisper to those near me. " Restrain your 
laughter," said I, "until you have heard him." 

Mr. L'Abbe had prepared himself with three or four argu- 
ments in opposition to one of our theses. He gave them out, 
and he was answered, in the usual way, by a student. He 
then bowed most politely to the professor, and with much 
courtesy complimented both him and the students on their 
skilful solutions, and he resumed his seat. 

Mr. De la Bussiere's turn had now come He began in 
Latin, with a complimentary address to the professor ; he then 
turned round and said, " Mr. L'Abbe, you have expressed 
yourself satisfied with the answers you have received ; I am of 
opinion that you yielded too soon, for your argument admits 
of being carried much further." He then took up the subject 
where the Abbe had left It. and handled it in so jjifisterly a 



MY mother's death. 53 

style, that the students were unable to say a word in reply, 
and the professor was obliged to rise in support of his own 
thesis. He also actually became cornered, and knew not how 
to defend his own position, when to his infinite relief the clock 
Etruek twelve, which put an end to the discussion. 

My mother's death, at the age of sixty-three, took place 
about the time that I had completed my college course and 
taken my degree. After she became a widow, she devoted 
herself with the greatest assiduity to her children, doing all 
that lay in her power both for their temporal and eternal wel- 
fare. She was tender and affectionate to them, but at the 
same time rigid in requiring from them a strict fulfilment of 
their duties. 

You must know, that in France, a man is considered a 
minor until he is twenty-five years old. I was therefore, ac- 
cording to law, still in my minority, but my brothers did not 
want to be troubled with looking after my property ; they there- 
fore made me of age, or free, soon after the death of my mother. 
My brothers and sisters were all married, and they had long 
ago received the principal part of their portions, so it did not 
require very long to come to an amicable arrangement in the 
division of what was left. I paid to them severally the small 
sums to which they were entitled, and then I remained sole 
proprietor of the estates of Jenouille and Jaffe, by which I 
possessed, not only a good comfortable dwelling-house for 
my residence, but an annual income of about 1000 francs 



CHAPTER IV. 

PtuJy with Mr. Forestier— His persecutions— Wife's firmness— Return home— Pray 
with neighbors— Absent at Easter— Poor people assemble in the woods— A spy- 
Warrants issued — A mason taken up — Keeantation Repentance- My return home 
—Warrant against me— Grand Provost and Archers appear— Prison— Permitted to 
pray. 

Having made all necessary arrangements for the management 
of my property, 1 went once more to the house of my brother- 
in-law, Mr. Forestier, at St. Mesme in Anguomois. I kncM' 
that I should find in him an able and willing friend, to help 
me in the prosecution of my theological studies. My sole 
wish now was to dedicate all the talents, God had bestowed on 
me, to his glory. 

I spent a year with Mr. Forestier, during which time he 
took great pains with me. He taught me to prepare sermons, 
and showed me how far it was desirable to use Commentaries 
for such purposes. When he thought me qualified, he allowed 
lue to preach sometimes in his church. 

While I was with him, a complaint was lodged again>«t 
him that he had received a Papist into the communion of tlio 
Protestant Church, contrary to the king's edict. Upon this 
accusation, he was seized and carried to prison with much de- 
gradation : he was placed on horseback, with his legs tied to- 
gether under the horse's belly. 

If you had but seen the Papists of Angouleme collected 



PEKSECUTION. 55 

upou the road to enjoy the spectacle ! They were in such 
numbers that I may say they were literally piled up by the 
way-side ; and they were uttering the most horrible maledic- 
tions and imprecations, and throwing stones at those who ac- 
companied him to the prison-door. I say, if you had seen 
them, you would have concluded the prisoner could have been 
guilty of no less a crime than murdering his father, commit- 
ting violence on his mother, or attempting the life of the 
ting. 

Oh ! my God ! to what a horrid pitch of barbarity can 
mankind be borne by the blind zeal of superstition and 
idolatry. 

Through her many severe trials my sister was always re- 
signed to the will of her Heavenly Father, who, she felt 
assured, ordered all things for the best. 

Mr. Forestier had a tedious imprisonment, which was at- 
tended with great loss and inconvenience to him, because it 
obliged him to give up his school. At length he appealed to 
the Parliament* of Paris, and obtained an acquittal. 

The church of St. Mesme soon shared the fate of others, 
and was condemned. The Synod then removed him to Coses. 
in Saintonge ; and though it is rather anticipating events, I 
think I had better proceed with his history, before returning 
to the memoirs of my own life. 

The church at Coses had its turn, and was condemned be- 
fore long. The Papists in the neighborhood had not patience 
to wait for the day appointed for its demolition, Init dc sired 

* There were ten I'iirliaincnts in tlic kinirilom ot' Fraiuc. They were su- 
perior courts of judicature, tn wliich niipejil wiis inji'lc tVoiii ttie deeision 
of inferior tribniisilH. They had in> leirishitivc fuiK'tioii^ l)Ut tiiat of reiris- 
terhig and publisliiiig tlic Koviil Decrees, to wlilch tlicy very rarely rnisotJ 
any objection. 



56 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

to put a stop to the religious exercises at once. To accom 
plish this end, they made some frivolous complaint of Protes- 
tants who had recanted, having been seen there, and procured 
a warrant to arrest Mr. Forestier upon this charge. The plot 
became known by accident to Colonel Boisron, who was at 
Saintes, and he set off immediately, and rode all night, in the 
hope of arriving before the Archers, and giving him notice in 
time to conceal himself 

He reached Coses on Sunday morning, just as Mr. Fores- 
tier was going to church. He instantly made known his er- 
rand, and begged him not to make his appearance in the 
church. 

Mr. Forestier said : " Can we change the decrees of the 
Eternal God ? No ! I hold myself in readiness, therefore, to 
do my duty, and submit to whatever he thinks fit to bring upon 
xne." 

Colonel Boisron still urged him. " Only think, my dear 
friend," said he, " of the suffering you would bring upon your 
wife and children, if you should be taken from them." 

My sister then came forward, and the Colonel asked her 
to use her influence to dissuade her husband from showing 
himself, where he would inevitably be seized by the Archers. 
With a composed and firm tone she said, " It is the duty 
of Mr. Forestier to preach to his flock, and it is for God to do 
as seemeth him good." 

Mr. Forestier turned round in triumph, and said to hia 
friend, " You see, sir, we have no Eve here." 

He then went forward, with his family around him, to the 
church. He gave no sign of emotion, he preached with his 
accustomed energy, and had just concluded the service, and 
was descending from the pulpit, when the Archers entered, 



A wife's fiktviness. 57 

laid hold of him, and carried him off to Saintes. He was 
confined in the prison at that place for a time, and then he 
was transferred to La Reolle, where the Parliament of Bour- 
deaux held its sittings. He was a truly faithful servant ol 
God, and was by him most mercifully preserved through many 
dangers, and at last brought in safety to England, with hia 
wife and younger children. My sister was near her confine- 
ment, and gave birth to a daughter on board the vessel. It 
is difiicult which to admire most, the husband or the wite ; 
the faith of both shone so triumphantly on these trying occa- 
sions. I can assure you that my sister's firmness was the re- 
sult of principle, and did not proceed, as those who were not 
well acquainted with her, might have supposed, from deficiency 
of sensibility. She had very warm feelings, strong affections, 
and great love for her husband and children, but her love to 
God was even stronger ; and when his glory was in question, 
she held nothing dear in comparison. 

Happy couple ! their treasure was laid up in heaven, and 
they could well afford to despise this present life, and its 
short-lived enjoyments. 

I now resume my own history. Soon after the imprison- 
ment of Mr. Forestier, I went to reside at Saintes, in order to 
avail myself of the assistance of two able and pious ministers, 
who were settled there, in completing my preparation for the 
ministry. It is but a repetition of the same story. These 
two good men, Mr. Mainard and Mr. Borillak were shortly 
cast into prison likewise, and I returned to my lonely home. 

I was not idle there, as you will presently see. My bro- 
ther Peter had succeeded my father at Vaux. and continued 
there until about this time, when he was seized, under a 
" lettre de cachet," and confined in the castle of Oleron 
3* 



58 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

The church at Vaux was levelled with the ground ; most of 
the Protestant places of worship in our province had shared 
the same fate. My neighbors could not get to any church 
without difiSculty and extreme fatigue, and I felt compassion 
for them, as sheep without a shepherd, and considered it my 
duty to invite them to join me in my family devotions. They 
came most gladly, and the number increased until it reached 
one hundred and fifty. I then recommended them not to 
come daily, as they were in the habit of doing, but to come 
two or three times a week, which would give me more time to 
make suitable preparation for preaching and expounding the 
Scriptures to them. I also suggested to them that each 
family should only come once a week, and thus our meetings, 
being less numerous, would be less likely to attract attention, 
and yet each would have their turn. I frequently changed 
our days of assembling, giving previous notice to the people, 
with the view of escaping observation, and we continued this 
endearing intercourse without interruption, during the whole 
winter. All who joined in these religious exercises were 
known to me and to each other, and we were all equally inter- 
ested in keeping the secret. My house stood entirely alone, 
which was a circumstance much in our favor. 

At length, however, a rumor got abroad that meetings 
were held in our parish, and that I was the preacher. We 
had no traitor in our ranks, and all things were conducted so 
quietly that the Papists were unable to discover any thing, 
with sufficient certainty, to found action upon it. Some of 
my friends, with more of policy than of piety, recommended 
me to cease before we were discovered, but I believed I was 
in the path of duty, and therefore I did not hearken to their 
counsel, but persevered in leading the services. 



RELIGIOUS MEETING IN Tin-: WOODS. 59 

Our holy meetings continued without molestation or 
drawback of any sort till Palm Sunday, 1684. Being only a 
candidate, and not a regularly authorized minister. I judged 
it best to advise my people to go to some of the few remain- 
ing churches, in order to receive the Communion with their 
brethren. I wished to partake of that holy sacrament my- 
self, and for the purpose I went to the other side of the pro- 
vince, and tarried with friends there, with whom I received 
the Communion, both on Palm Sunday and Easter Sunday, 
and remained until ten or twelve days after Easter. 

On Palm Sunday, some of the neighbors came to my 
house as usual, and finding that I was not there, they retired 
to a wood behind the house for religious worship, and one of 
their number, a mason by trade, who could read very well, 
officiated as pastor. He read several chapters from the Bible, 
the prayers of the Church, and a sermon ; and some psalms 
were sung. This meeting having taken place openly, the re- 
port of it was noised abroad, and on Holy Thursday from 
seven to eight hundred assembled on the same spot, the ma- 
son again the pastor. On Easter Sunday the number in- 
creased to a thousand. 

In the neighborhood there lived a miserable pettifogging 
attorney, named Agoust, a base deceitful man, who had been 
a Protestant, but had abjured his religion to retain his 
employment. His house was within four hundred paces ot 
the high road, by which many persons returned from the 
meeting, and he seated hirnself at his window to watch the 
passers-by. hoping to be able to give information by which he 
might ingratiate himself with those in power. The services 
had continued until after dusk, therefore it was too dark to 
reoognige individuals at that distance ; nevertheless, he made 



HO MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

out a list of sixty persons, and amongst the names were some 
who had, and others who had not, been there, and at the 
head he placed Mr. Mouillere and myself. He could form 
a very good idea from the general character of his neighbors, 
of those who would be likely to attend such a meeting, and 
that was about as much as he really did know. On the de- 
position of this single witness — a man of indifferent charac- 
ter at best — before the Seneschal of Saintes, warrants were 
issued against us. 

Two or three days before my return home, the Grand Pro- 
vost and his Archers were sent in search of us. The country 
people had had timely notice of their approach, and had con- 
cealed themselves so effectually in the woods that after scour- 
ing the country in all dii'ections, the Archers returned with 
but one prisoner. They found the mason who had officiated, 
and no one else. They seized him, fastened him securely to 
the tail of a horse, and thus dragged him all the way to 
Saintes, a distance of fifteen miles. They took great delight 
in frightening him by the way, telling him all that would be 
done to him for his crime. The least he could expect would 
be to be hanged as soon as they reached the town. 

It was late when they arrived, and they said that nothing 
but the lateness of the hour saved him from execution that 
night, which fortunately left him a solitary chance for life. 
" If," said one of the Archers, " you recant without delay, you 
may yet escape, but once get within the prison wall, and a 
hundred religions will not save you from death. All that is 
asked of you is to renounce the errors of Calvin, and do not 
you see how easily you can do that, without wounding your 
conscience, be it ever so tender? You only swear to renounce 
errors : if Calvin had none, you renounce nothing, it is a 



THE MASON RECANTS. 61 

mere ceremony, aud if he had errors you would not surely 
object to renouncing them." Those who surrounded him saw 
that the specious arguments made an impression, and they 
followed it up with others based upon his duty to his wife 
and children, who would be left destitute if he was taken from 
them. The poor fellow was overpowered by their crafty rea- 
soning, he had no one near to strengthen his weakness, and it 
is not to be wondered at that he should at last have yielded 
to the tempter, abjured the errors of Calvin, and obtained 
life and liberty as the reward. The wakeful monitor, con- 
science, had slumbered for a short space, but she soon awak- 
ened and resumed her power most fearfully. After the re- 
cantation, the mason became a prey to the most frightful re- 
morse ; he was so wretched that he could not rest or sleep by 
night or day. 

As soon as he heard of my return home, he hastened to 
me, threw himself at my feet, wept like a child, and declared 
that he had damned his soul by his weakness. He then re- 
lated all the circumstances to me ; he said it would be impos- 
sible to describe to me the torments he had endured, and 
that he could not pray for himself, but he implored me to 
pray for him. He looked upon his crime with such utter 
abhorrence, and was plunged into such depths of despair, that 
I clearly perceived it was my duty rather to comfort than 
reprove the sinner. I endeavored to convince him that the 
mercy of God was open to him, and I urged him to go at 
once to the Fountain for sin and uncleanness. I drew a par- 
allel between his case and that of St. Peter, from which T 
thought he might draw consolation, as he had imitated the 
apostle in his bitter tears of repentance as well as in his fall. 

He abjured once more, and this time it was the abjuring 



62 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

of Lis abjuration. His penitence was so sincere, that he felt 
no humiliation too great, and he asked forgiveness of every 
one he met for the scandal he had brought upon their holy 
religion. God brought good out of evil on this occasion, for 
he made the remorse of this unhappy man the means of 
strengthening the faith of many others, who saw, by his me- 
lancholy example, that man, with all his cruelty can inflict no 
such torture as God causes to the consciousness c f those, who 
deny him before men. 

I was deeply grieved that I had not been upon the spot 
when this poor man was taken up, for I thought I might have 
accompanied him and prevented his recantation ; and it de- 
termined me to do what I could to confirm the faith of the 
other members of my flock. I was told that there was a 
warrant out for my apprehension, so I rode over to Saintes to 
inquire into the truth of the report, and I determined to give 
myself up to the authorities, if it should be required. 

I called upon the Lieuteuant-General or Seneschal of the 
Presidency of Saintes to ascertain the fact, and he was mali- 
cious enough to deny that there was any such warrant out, 
though' he was himself the very person who had issued it. 
He wished me to return home in ignorance of the truth, for 
the purpose of inflicting upon me the ignominy and mortifica- 
tion, that he supposed would be the result of making me a 
public spectacle, dragged to prison by the Grand Provost and 
his Archers. I had a shrewd suspicion that it was so, and 
therefore went home with the determination to make the 
most of my time for the benefit of my poor neighbors. Dur- 
ing the week I visited from house to house, prayed, and ex- 
horted to the best of my ability. 

At length I was informed that the Provost and his Archers 



APPROACH OF AKCIIEES. 63 

were on the road to our village, and that they were spending 
the night at Saujon, within two leagues of my house. I sent 
messengers to warn the people in the surrounding villages, in 
order that they might hide themselves in the woods. Foi 
my own part, my resolution was formed, not to shrink from 
the threatened danger, be it what it might, but rather to 
walk boldly forward to justify that which I had done in the 
fear of God. Some of my friends came to give me notice of 
the approach of the Archers, and at the same time to offer me 
their houses as an asylum until the storm had passed over, 
but I declined their kind oiFers. I said to them, '• It was I 
who induced the poor people to jeopard their lives for our 
holy religion. I invited them to my house to join in religious 
worship, and having acted as their leader when no danger 
threatened, ought I not to continue at their head in the hour 
of peril ? If I were now to flee. I should consider myself 
like the shepherd, who is described in the Gospel as an hire- 
ling, who fled at the sight of the wolf Example, my friends, 
is more powerful than precept. I am determined to share 
the risks of my poor neighbors, for if I were absent from 
them, and they abjured their faith for want of the counte- 
nance and support that I, as their leader, could give them, I 
should for ever feel that the sin rested upon my shoulder." 

Seeing me so determined, my friends ceased to urge me 
to go with them, and when they left me I set to work to pre- 
pare for the morrow. I gave full directions to my servants 
for their conduct during my absence. I prepared a bundle 
of clothing and other necessaries to take with me to the 
prison, and then before retiring to rest, I knelt down and 
prayed earnestly to God to give me grace and strength to 
support and guid(> nie in the step T was taking, and in which 



64 iffiMOIES OF A xIUGUENOT FAIillLY. 

I believed I had a single eye to his glory. My mind be 
came so perfectly composed after this, that I went to bed 
and fell asleep almost immediately, and I slept so soundly 
that I did not waken until I heard the sound of the Provost 
and Archers knocking at the door for admittance. The day 
was just breaking when I opened my eyes, and being yet only 
half awake, I trembled from head to foot, and felt a vague 
sort of alarm at I knew not what, and the thought actually 
crossed my mind that I would defend myself with the fire- 
arms which I had in my room. 

Presently I collected my scattered senses, and knew what 
the noise meant, and then I called to mind the thoughts with 
which I had retired the night before, and I again implored 
the aid of my heavenly Father, which was granted me on the 
instant, for I felt tranquillized almost immediately. I was 
displeased to hear my servants telling the Archers that I was 
not in the house, and I opened the window, and put my head 
out to tell them that I should soon be ready for them, having 
made my preparations over night. Upon this they retreated 
a little, being afraid that I was going to fire upon them, and 
I heard the Provost give orders to his Archers to be upon 
their guard. I told him he need not fear the weapons I had 
for my defence ; I relied upon my innocence for protection, and 
I hoped to conquer by my constancy. I begged him to wait 
patiently a few minutes and I would accompany him. As 
soon as I had dressed myself I opened the door to him, and 
showed him my little bundle which I had prepared the night 
before. 

The Provost proceeded to perform what he considered to 
be his duty, and he gave me an exhortation, to the efiect that I 
ought to obey the orders of the king, and make a prompt recan- 



CONDUCTED TO PRISON. 65 

tation. He then gave me in charge of two of his Archers, and he 
went with the rest to look for the other persons, against whom 
he held warrants. They scoured the country in all directions 
without finding any of my accomplices in prayer. They seized 
upon a poor plougliman, whose zeal had never been warm 
enough to carry him to any illegal assembly, and he felt both 
pained and embarrassed to be suflFeriug persecution without 
the consolation of having deserved it. He was tied to the tail 
of a horse, and sent forward to the place of rendezvous, with 
an Archer for his guard, who was one of that tribe of booted 
missionaries who strove to make converts to his religion by 
oaths, threats and cruelties. He frightened his poor ignorant 
prisoner exceedingly, who, when he saw me, cried out : " Alas ! 
sir, are you also in the power of these cruel men ?" 

To which I replied, " I feel it an honor to be esteemed 
worthy of suffering in such a cause." 

Hearing that no more prisoners were likely to be brought 
in, we were ordered to proceed on our way. I had gained 
some favor with the Archers who had me in charge, by giving 
them money, and I was thus able to persuade them to indulge 
my companion, by lengthening his rope sufficiently for him to 
walk abreast with my horse. They also showed me personal 
consideration, for, as we were approaching the capital, they 
told me that they had received positive orders to tie my legs 
together under the horse, but that they would dispense with it, 
if I would let my cloak drop low enough to conceal my feet 
entirely. 

We entered the town of Saintes at five o'clock in the after- 
noon of a day, near the end of April, 1684. We drew around 
us a crowd composed of two very different classes ; the one 
clapped their hands, jumped for joy, and cried out in loud 



t)6 MEMOIKS OF A IIUGUEMUT FAMILY. 

tones, "Hang them! hang them!" The others felt for us 

deeply, they stood aloof and wept. 

My companion was greatly alarmed; I tried to impart 
comfort by speaking kindly, and taking his hand and pressing 
it affectionately, which seemed to give him courage, but it 
made the papists very angry, for when they noticed it they re- 
doubled their threats. We were taken straight to the prison, 
where many of the principal Protestants came that very even- 
ing to show their compassionate interest. They were without 
any minister at the time, both of theirs being in confinement at 
La Reolle. 

I told the good people they would probably soon have an 
opportunity of showing the strength of their sympathy by ac- 
tion, but, in the mean time, I felt grateful for their kind words. 
I then told them that I felt assured it would not be long 
before my poor neighbors would be my companions in prison, 
and then I should look to them for contributions towards their 
support. After they had left me, I made a bargain with the 
jailer to pay him so much a day for a bed for myself, and for 
the use of his private apartment. 

I could easily have avoided imprisonment, by flight, but I 
had resolved to stand my ground, for the benefit of the poor 
people to whom I had ministered. I thought that by sharing 
their confinement I might be able to prevent those who should 
be hereafter brought to prison from changing their religion. 
I determined, without loss of time, and before suspicion of my 
object could be aroused, to make the only arrangement by 
which I could hope to be useful to them, and that was, to ob- 
tain permission to pray aloud night and morning in the prison, 
an undertaking which hitherto, so far as I knew, no minister 
had dared to attempt. 



PKATER IN PRISON. OT 

After supper I entered into conversation with the jailer 
and told him that there was one thing I wished to mention tc 
him, namely, that it was my habit to pray aloud to God, night 
and morning, and that it had become so necessary to me that 
I had no peace of mind, if I were debarred from it, and hf 
would find me in such a case a most morose, unhappy, dis 
agreeable inmate ; but if I were allowed to follow my usual 
practice he would find me a cheerful companion, and one who 
would give him no trouble. I said to him that I wished to 
show him all possible respect, and had not the least idea of 
annoying him by praying in our joint apartment ; therefore, if 
he saw no objection to it, I would select as my altar the corner 
of the common prison, behind the door that led to our room. 

He was disposed to be facetious, and said, I should find 
him, like the devil, not quite so black as he had been painted, 
but that all my holy water would not make him drop the keys 
out of his hand. 

" Very well," said I, " I am glad to find that we agree so 
well ; you may retain possession of the key of the prison, and 
I will endeavor to obtain that of eternal happiness." 

I went directly to the corner I had named, knelt down and 
began to pray aloud ; I did not call any one to join me, but as 
] had expected, my companion threw himself on his knees at 
my side, and a poor Protestant who was imprisoned for debt 
was glad to avail himself of the privilege and knelt also. My 
prayer was chiefly composed of thanksgiving to Almighty 
God, that amongst his many faithful followers, he had been 
pleased to select me to suffer persecution for the truth of his 
Gospel, and I implored his grace to enable me to do my duty 
in this new sphere. I did not forget to make mention of the 
choice of Moses, rather to suffer persecution with the people 



68 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

of God than to sit upon the throne of Pharaoh. I also named 
as an example, the zealous protestations of St. Paul, that 
neither death nor life, nor principalities nor powers, should be 
able to separate him from the love of God, which is in Christ 
Jesus our Lord. I also prayed for the king, that it might 
please God, in whose hand is the heart of the king, as the 
rivers of water, that he turneth it whithersoever he will, to in- 
cline his heart to examine for himself the pure faith against 
which he had issued so many edicts, and that he might be 
turned from its persecutor into its nurse and father. 

I went on the following morning to pray aloud in the same 
corner, and continued regularly night and morning, by which 
means the poor ploughman became confirmed in his faith, and 
felt bold enough to disregard alike the promises and threats 
of the papists. The jailer and his wife had been accustomed 
to have haughty, turbulent spirits to deal with, and mine was so 
different, that they could only suppose I was disordered in my 
intellects, when they found that I considered it a privilege to 
De imprisoned. 



CHAPTER V. 

Provost and Archers make another tour— Twenty country people brought to prison- 
Well supplied by Protestant brethren— Prayer— Indictment— Confrontation— K* 
collenient— Examination of witnesses— Apply to be set at liberty— Accusation of th« 
King's advocate— Dungeon— Removed to Town Hall— Bribery proposed to me. 

When I bad been in prison about ten days, the Provost and 
his Archers set out upon another circuit to look for those who 
had been at our meetings, and as I had foreseen, the country 
people would no longer flee. They had received timely warn- 
ing, and the timid retreated to the woods, but the Provost was 
met by more than one hundred and fifty persons, who accosted 
him with the utmost intrepidity, saying : " We have all at- 
tended these holy meetings and prayed to God in the woods, 
and we are ready to justify our conduct." 

The number who presented themselves was much greater 
than those against whom he held warrants, so he was obliged 
to make an examination, and he drew off to one side all those 
whose names did not appear upon his list. After this rejec- 
tion, the number left was still too large to take to prisons al- 
ready well filled with papists who had been committed for real 
crimes, so the Provost declared he would take only twenty 
A holy strife then arose amongst these followers of the Lord 
as to who should be of the number. 

The Archers were themselves struck at the scene they be- 



70 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILl'. 

held. " What are you about?'' said they. " Do you set no 
value upon life? What fury urges you to the gallows? Think 
for a moment of your wives and children ! What will become 
of them ?" They tried every expedient to intimidate them, 
and swore to them, by all that was sacred, that if once they 
were taken to prison they would only exchange it for the rack 
the gibbet, or, at any rate, the galleys. They adduced numer- 
ous instances of such and such persons, who, for similar 
offences, had been hanged, broken on the wheel. &c., &c. It 
was all of no use, their words seemed to act like wind upon 
fire ; the more furious and violent were the Archers the more 
was the zeal of the people kindled. 

At length, by a refinement of cruelty, the Provost deter- 
mined to leave behind those who were most anxious to go, 
and he selected those to take with him who appeared the 
least eager. They were bound together two and two, as dogs 
are coupled for hunting, and tied to the tails of the horses. 
These poor countrymen betrayed not the least fear, they bade 
adieu to their wives and children with dry eyes. The wives 
also did their part to sustain their husbands, and they saw 
them led away without a murmur ; they had put their hands 
to the plough, and did not look back ; they placed full trust in 
Him, who has promised to be a husband to the widow and a 
father to the fatherless. 

It was known in Saintes, where the Provost and Archers 
had gone, so the good Protestants were ready to minister to 
the temporal necessities of the prisoners who might be 
brought, and it was certainly not more than half an hour 
after their arrival at the prison, when ten beds with bedding 
complete were sent to them, and an abundant supper likewise. 
It deserves to be recorded that, to the honor of the Pro- 



PRAYER. 71 

testants of Saintes, they continued to furnish the same 
liberal supply during the whole time that the poor people 
were imprisoned. Manna was not more abundant in the wil- 
derness than food in the prison. 

The beds were ranged along one side of the large common 
room, apart from the papists. In the evening, when I went 
to prayer as usual, they all knelt around me, and God, who 
has promised a favorable answer to the prayer of faith, 
answered ours by pouring into our hearts a holy joy and 
peace which cannot be described. Those only can under- 
stand it who have tasted for themselves. 

I soon found the advantage of the plan of praying aloud 
which I had adopted ; for when attempts would be made to 
undermine the simple faith of these poor people, and they 
would be puzzled with doctrinal arguments they were unable 
to answer, they would speak amongst themselves of their 
diflBculties, and as I walked up and down the large room, I 
listened to what they were saying, and when the hour for 
prayer arrived, I availed myself of what I had overheard, 
and I used to frame a petition in such a way as to furnish 
them with an answer. I would pray that if the enemies of 
the Lord should ask me such and such questions, and make 
use of such and such arguments, I might receive the promised 
aid of the Holy Spirit, and be ready to answer in such and 
such a manner for the faith that was in me. I thus con- 
trived to baffle all the arts of the Bishop's Chaplain, and to 
prepare the people for his daily visits to them. 

The Bishop himself and many other papists came to see 
them, and were unceasing in their efforts to make some of 
them fall, but thanks be to God, it was all in vain. This 
went on for about three weeks, and then they began to think 



72 MEMOmS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

they had discovered the secret of our strength, so they do* 
termined to remove me, and they hoped that when the poor 
countrymen were left to themselves, they might work upon 
their fears as successfully as they had done upon the mason. 
I had foreseen this step, and taken precautions accordingly. 
I showed them that prayer had proved the invincible ar- 
mor of our faith, and I therefore recommended them, if I 
should be taken from them, to continue praying aloud, one 
for the rest ; and if he also should be removed, to let another 
take his place, and continue it so long as even two should be 
left together. For their farther encouragement, I told them 
that I did not think it at all improbable that by following 
this plan, we might all be placed in the same room again. 

The King's Solicitor had made out an indictment for the 
offences of which I had been guilty in the prison ; it contained 
three distinct charges : — 

1st. I had taught in the prison, and thus I had prevented 
my companions changing their religion. 

2d. I had given offence to the Roman Catholics who 
were in prison. 

3d. I had interrupted the priest in his celebration of 
divine worship. 

I have neglected to name that there was a small chapel 
attached to the prison, where the priest said mass every 
morning, and I had purposely selected the same time for our 
devotions, because the papists were then generally absent. 

Two of the witnesses against nie, whose ears had been 
offended by the holy name of God being pronounced within 
their hearing, were men who had waylaid a neighbor on the 
highway, murdered him and mangled his body, for which 
crime they were afterwards broken on the wheel. Oh ! how 



CONFRONTATION AND RECOLLEMENT. Y3 

infamous for a Hugueuot to dare to pray to God in the pre- 
Bence of such worthy Catholics ! and wound their delicate 
consciences with his fanatical discourse ! Great God ! what 
times ! 

Before removing me, I was brought into court for exami- 
nation, and they began first with the oflFence for which I had 
been originally committed to prison. 

On these occasions, in France, the accused is permitted 
to put as many questions as he pleases to the witnesses, in 
the presence of the Seneschal or President and the Regis- 
ter ; and he has the right to have such answers as he con- 
siders favorable to himself committed to writing. This is 
called the '• confrontation." 

The President, on behalf of the King, cross-examines 
both the accused and the witnesses, and has all the answers 
recorded that he considers sufficiently important. This is 
called " recollement." 

Upon this confrontation and recollement all the instruc- 
tions for the prosecution turn. They are read by twelve or 
fifteen judges, who are called Counsellors, and are lawyers, 
as a matter of course. At the time of judging, the witnesses 
are not brought to the bar for examination, as is the practice 
in England, but the confrontation and recollement are pro- 
duced as evidence. You are to understand that each wit- 
ness has been separately examined, without knowing what 
any other has said ; therefore it is an excellent plan for 
eliciting the truth. It is all important, you will perceive, 
for the accused to be on the alert, so that if there is any false 
statement made by a witness it may be discovered. 

The only witness who could be produced against me, to 
give evidence as to the crime for which I had been brought 
4 



74 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAlVnLY. 

from home, was Agoust. He had made oath that he saw m« 
on Easter Day among the poor people, returning from a re 
ligious meeting in the woods. I have already mentioned that 
he was a pettifogging attorney, and, consequently, he might 
be expected to be very well qualified for the task he had un- 
dertaken, of supporting a falsehood without contradicting 
himself. 

In the end, we generally find truth triumphant, and so it 
was on this occasion, for I extracted from him at different 
times, and amidst a host of useless questions, the following 
replies : — 

Firstly. That the time he saw me was in the dusk of the 
evening. 

Secondly. That he was standing at his window when he 
saw me. 

Thirdly. That I was in Mr. Mouillere's meadow. 

Fourthly. That the distance was about a musket-shot 
from where he was standing. 

Fifthly. That it was not in my way home from the 
woods. 

You will readily believe, that I only obtained these 
answers at long intervals, putting many irrelevant questions 
to him in the mean time, in order to make him lose sight of 
the inconsistency of his present replies with those already 
recorded. 

The President was out of all patience with me for consum 
ing so much of his valuable time in asking foolish questions. 

As Agoust had been brought up a Protestant, and had 
turned Papist to retain his office as attorney, I endeavored 
to rouse his conscience to some feeling of remorse. I put 
together the answers I have given above, and said to him ■ 



CKOSS-EXAMINATION OF WITNESSES. 75 

" Miserable wretch that you are ; was it not enough that 
you should deny your baptism, and renounce your religion 
yourself, but you must also employ false testimony, to put 
temptation in the way of those whom God has sustained by 
his grace ? Now, look at your own statement, and give God 
the glory. 

" You say you were at your window in the dusk of the 
evening, and that you recognized me at the distance of a 
musket-shot. What sort of eyes do you pretend to have?" 

He was much confused at this, and said : " At any rate, I 
thought it was you." 

" Write down that," said I to the register. 

The President, seeing his prey about to escape from the 
snare, got into a violent passion, and accused me of abusing 
the witness. " You have," said he, " perplexed and confused 
him. I will not allow such proceedings." 

" What," said I, " are you sorry that I have forced the 
truth from his lips ? I looked up to you as my judge, but I 
now see reason to fear you as my persecutor." 

I spoke to the register several times, requesting him to 
write down the last most decisive answer, but he looked to 
the President for permission, and lie shook his head. I would 
not yield, and insisted upon it, that he should write down that 
the witness no longer said he had seen me, but only that he 
thought he had seen me. 

The President wished to dictate it in modified terms, but 
I said to him, '• I declare to you, that if this last answer be 
not written down, verbatim, as the witness spoke it, nothing 
shall induce me to sign my confrontation." So I gained my 
point, and it was written down. I scarcely believe I should 
have succeeded, but from the fear he entertained of my enter- 



76 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

ing a protest against his proceedings, which would have been 
to his great dishonor. 

I had parried the first blow successfully, and you shall 
now hear how I replied to the dreadful accusation of having 
prayed to my Grod in prison. 

The two witnesses, already mentioned, who were after- 
wards broken on the wheel, were the first to be examined, in 
order to obtain their evidence before it might be out of reach 
from their execution. One of them was of a Protestant fam- 
ily, and he could remember nothing more than that he had 
heard me say, " Our Father, who art in heaven." The second 
was unable to remember even as much as that. The third 
witness called up was the jailer, and he had made the accusa- 
tion that I had prevented the recantation of the prisoners. 

I said to him : " Did you ever hear me speak to the peo- 
ple on the subject of religion?" 

" No," said he. 

" Did I even call them to prayers ?" 

" No." 

I put no further questions to him. 

The fourth witness was his wife, and she was expected to 
prove that I had interrupted the priest in his celebration of 
mass. She was possessed of some talent, and she was a great 
bigot, therefore more dexterity was required in dealing with 
her. 

You must bear in mind that the chapel was separated 
from the main building of the prison by a small court, and 
also that it was on the ground-floor. The common room of 
the prison was in the second story, and I prayed in that cor- 
ner of it which was the most remote from the chapel. I had 
my back towards it, and I always spoke in a subdued tone of 



i 



CROSS-EXAMINATION OF WIl'NESSES. 77 

voice, only just loud enough to be audible to those around 
me. It would, indeed, have required lungs much stronger 
than mine to have made myself heard in the chapel. The 
President himself well knew that it was an impossibility ; and 
had there been no other evidence of the falsity of the accusa- 
tion, the non-appearance of the priest, who was said to have 
been interrupted, was sufficient. Had the complaint been 
true, he would certainly have been summoned as a witness. 

When the wife of the jailer came forward, I complained 
to her of the injustice of preceding witnesses, and said that 
I was sure such a devout woman as she was could not have 
been shocked to see poor people, for whom punishment was in 
store, humbling themselves before God, and that, as all my 
expressions were drawn from the Holy Scriptures, they could 
not have given offence to a good Christian. 

She replied, that my words had not given her offence. 

That was written down. 

" However," said I, " you had a much better opportunity 
of hearing me than any of the other witnesses. Do not you 
remember one morning, when I was praying, that you passed 
from one room to the other, and came (^uite close to my feet ?" 

" Yes ; I remember it very well." 

I had that written, almost in spite of the President, who 
considered the question so utterly useless. After a few un- 
important queries, I asked her if she ever heard me call any 
one to prayer. 

" No," said she ; " but as soon as they see you kneeling 
down, they run like wild-fire." 

" Did you ever hear me forbid any of the people to change 
their religion ?" 

" No," said she. 



78 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

I then inquired whether she was able to remember a ser 
mon she heard from one of the preachers of her own religion. 
She appeared piqued that I could entertain a doubt upon the 
subject, and answered, most unhesitatingly, that she could re- 
member it. I did not require that to be written. 

I then apologized for giving her the trouble, but humbly 
begged of her to oblige me by repeating to the President any 
passages she could remember of my prayers, because I felt 
assured he would find nothing to reprehend ; he would 
rather esteem me for them, than wish to bring punishment 
upon me. 

She was abashed at having to acknowledge any deficiency 
in the memory, of which she had just now boasted, and she 
was therefore compelled to tell the truth, and to say that she 
could not oblige me, because I always spoke in so low a tone 
that she could not hear what I said. 

That was written, and T was satisfied. 

We both signed the confrontation, or, more properly, the 
refutation of the accusation. I then requested the Presi- 
dent to set me at liberty, for I pointed out to him that every 
one of the witnesses had given contradictory evidence, and 
upon such, he could not think of sending me to the worse 
prison, with which I had been threatened. 

The King's Advocate replied in an indignant tone, that I 
had been guilty of holding illegal assemblies within the 
prison. 

I answered pleasantly enough to that accusation : " You 
are wrong to impute that crime to me. The Grand Provost 
and his Archers are to blame for it, and if you will order the 
prison doors to be opened. I will take upon myself to disperse 
the assembly, without loss of time." 



I 



DEFENCE. 79 

" It is 110 jesting matter," said he, " you Lave prevented 
the conversion of these poor people." 

I then spoke with more seriousness, and said to him : 
" You must perceive, by the confrontation, that you are mis- 
taken in what you say ; but, for the sake of argument, I will 
suppose it to be otherwise ; but even then, the constancy of 
the prisoners could not be attributed to me. I look upon the 
conversion of the soul as exclusively the work of the Holy 
Spirit, and therefore, perseverance in our religion proceeds not 
from the influence of man, but from Him only who tries the 
heart and the reins, and strengthens whom he pleases. I 
am ashamed," said I, '• to plead before Christians, as Christians 
formerly pleaded before Pagans. Now, just imagine yourself 
in the situation of one of us ; what would you think of a re- 
ligion which should impute it to you as a crime that you had 
prayed to God out of the deep gulf of your afl3iction ? Would 
you be inclined to embrace such a religion ?" 

The King's Advocate appeared disposed to relent upon my 
making this appeal ; but the President remained inflexible, 
and gave an order to have me taken to the dungeon of the 
tower of Pons. 

I spoke once more to him with much warmth and indig- 
nation : " I feel persuaded you are convinced of my inno- 
cence, and therefore I think you are unmindful of your duty, 
when you are more inveterate against me than the King's 
Advocate, who. in virtue of his ofiBce. is my prosecutor. If 
you think you can prevent my calling upon my Creator by 
putting me in a dungeon, you are very much mistaken. The 
greater my affliction, the more importunate will be my 
prayers ; and when I call upon God, I will not forget to pray 
for you, that you may repent, and that he will give you a 
better mind." 



80 MEMOmS OF A HTTGUENOT FA:MrLY. 

He replied, " I want neither your prayers nor your leo 
tures." 

He then called upon the sergeant to do his duty, and I 
was removed from the court. 

I was placed, at eight o'clock in the morning, in a dark, 
miserable, filthy dungeon, in the Tower of Pons. It was al- 
ready tenanted by one of the culprits, who was awaiting his 
trial for murder. We had not much conversation with each 
other. He asked me if I knew what was the general opinion 
entertained of him. I told him that he was believed to be 
guilty of the crime of which he was accused. He then asked 
me if I could tell him any thing of the mode of examining 
by torture. I said that if they were really guilty of the 
crime, it was more than probable that some one of them 
would confess it, under torture, and his confession would be 
sufficient to condemn the rest. 

" What," said he, " if I go through the torture without 
confessing, and another accuses me falsely, shall I be broken 
on the wheel all the same ?" 

I said that all the particulars might be given with such 
circumstantial detail, that he would find it impossible to deny 
any longer. 

He cried out in great distress, " Ah Jesu Maria !" His 
tone of voice removed from my mind any doubt I might have 
entertained of his guilt. I felt compassion for the poor, 
wretched man, and tried to turn his mind to the contempla- 
tion of a future state. I told him that if he would only re- 
pent truly of his sins, he might be forgiven. God's mercy, I 
said, was still open, if he would only apply for it through the 
Saviour who died for him. 

He was curious to know what crime could have brought 



REMOVAL TO TOWN HALL. 81 

me to be his companion in such a place; and when I told 
him, he said, " Alas ! sir, why will you not change your reli- 
gion? This is a sad place for one like you." 

Poor fellow ! I doubt not he would have acted up to the 
advice he gave me ; and the probability is, that if he had 
been brought up a Protestant, he might now have saved his 
life by recantation. 

On the following day he was put to the torture, ordinary 
and extraordinary ; he uttered not a syllable ; but one of his 
companions made a full confession, and all three were broken 
on the wheel. 

Owing to the unceasing importunity of Mademoiselle de 
la Burgerie, afterwards wife of Colonel de Boisron, I was 
taken out of the stinking dungeon at nine o'clock the same 
night. She was well acquainted with the President, and she 
represented to him in the strongest language, the infamy of 
his proceedings, and gave him no peace until he signed an 
order for my removal, and gave it to her. 

My next prison was just the opposite ; instead of being 
under ground, it was very high, in a small tower at the top 
of the Town Hall of Pons, open to the town-clock, circular in 
its form, ten or twelve feet in diameter, and with two rather 
large grated windows. I procured a small bedstead, a table, 
and three chairs, and made myself as comfortable as I could. 
I was altogether dependent upon the caprice of the President, 
who would sometimes forbid all access to my apartment, and 
at other times, he would grant admission to any, and every 
body, who would pay the door-keeper a trifle for the trouble 
of taking them up stairs. During the three months I was 
in confinement there, I was visited by many worthy, excel- 
lent persons, through whose instrumentality I was enabled to 
send prayers, copied by unknown hands, which I prepared tc 



82 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

suit the wants of my fellow-suflferers iu the prison at Saintea 
I had the unspeakable satisfaction of learning that they per- 
severed in their daily devotions, and that they remained a 
united band of Christians, not one of whom could be per- 
suaded by threat or bribe to recant. 

It is worth mentioning, that during my solitary imprison- 
ment I was never once disturbed by a visit from any bishop, 
Jesuit, priest, or monk, though a day never passed without 
some of them visiting my companions. No one proposed to 
me to change my religion, and I felt the truth of the saying, 
that if you resist the devil he will flee from you. 

The President gave out that I was kept iu confinement 
until there was time to prepare the process ; but it was hinted 
to me again and again, that I might let myself out with a sil- 
ver key. I had only entered the prison for the benefit of my 
poor neighbors, therefore I was determined not to come out 
of it by means entirely out of their reach. I had also an- 
other reason, which alone would have been sufficient to make 
me decline this plan, namely, that it would hold out an in- 
ducement to the avaricious President to treat other Protestants 
with severity, in the hope of extorting money. My advocate, 
Mr. Maureau, one day took out his purse, and showing me 
the gold and silver, he said, " here is the key of your prison." 
" I am fully aware of it," said I, " but I never will make use 
of it." 

He and some other kind friends would gladly have ar- 
ranged the matter themselves, and not sufi"ered me to pay a sin- 
gle farthing ; but I received some intimation of what they 
were about to do, and I told Mr. Maureau that I would scorn 
such a proceeding, and that if he dared to take the step 
without my consent, I would proclaim publicly that the Pre- 
sident had taken money to enlarge me. 



CHAPTER VI. 

Trial before the Presidency— Digression— Defence— Angry discussion with the Pwri- 
dent — Query — Reply — Sentence. 

The month of August had come round by the time that the 
process was ready to be brought before the Presidency in the 
Hall of Justice. 

In this court, the prisoner has to depend upon himself, he 
is not allowed the help of an advocate to plead for him. The 
door is locked, and guarded by Archers. The President sits 
in the centre, the Judges or Counsellors on each side ; the Ke- 
gister remains in the lower part of the Hall, and the prisoner 
is usually seated near him, on a three-legged wooden stool, as 
a mark of disgrace. 

There is a saying in France, " he has sat upon the 
stool," which is tantamount to the English phrase, " I have 
seen him hold up his hand at the bar." 

The testimony recorded in the confrontation is read to 
the accused, and he is asked if it be correct, and if the signa- 
ture attached to it be his. The judges then examine hini 
more fully, and if it be a case which admits of appeal to 
Parliament, the answers are recorded. As soon as the ex- 
amination is over, the accused is taken back to prison, and 
the sentence of the court, in writing, is sent to him by a 
sheriff's officer. 



84 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

In preparing for my defence I thought much more of my 
poor neighbors than of myself, because I was really innocent 
of the charge in the indictment, they were not. Knowing 
that they would not be assisted by an advocate. I could not 
help feeling some apprehension for them, and I determined, if 
any opportunity oflFered itself, I would say something applica- 
ble to their case. I thought it possible that I might be able 
to soften the hearts or alarm the consciences of the judges: 
and I made it a subject of special prayer to God. 

I will make a digression here, which you will presently 
perceive is not altogether irrelevant. My apartment in the 
tower of the Town Hall looked down into the court-yard of 
the residence of one of my judges. He was a very passionate 
man, much addicted to gambling and dissipation, but at the 
same time, he was said to be an able jurist. Two or three days 
before my trial, I was awakened out of sound sleep, about 
midnight, by this man swearing and Cursing in a loud tone of 
voice. He had just returned home after losing a large sum 
of money at the gambling table ; he was mad with vexation, 
and was venting his rage upon his innocent wife and children. 
I thought I heard blows, but of that I was not sure. 

To proceed with the trial. When I entered the Hall of 
Justice, the Register civilly offered me the three-legged 
stool. I would not sit upon it, for I said I was not a criminal 
to deserve such disgrace. He attempted to force me upon it, 
which the Court perceiving ordered him to desist, and one of 
he judges smiling, said: " Mr. Fontaine is a young man, and 
he might lose a good match by being made to sit there." 

I made him a profound bow. 

I was asked whether I had not prayed to God in the woods 
on Easter Sunday ? 



DEFENCE. 85 

I said, " No, and I can produce any number of witnesses 
to prove an alibi, if you will allow me to call them. I spent 
that day at Coses." 

Very little was said about my crime in prison, because 1 
acknowledged unhesitatingly that I had prayed there, but in 
a low tone of voice. 

After some other questions, they asked me if I did not 
know that His Majesty had issued a declaration forbidding 
illegal assemblies. 

I thought that God had now most assuredly opened the 
door for me to say something on behalf of my fellow-prisoners, 
and I replied : " Gentlemen, I am aware of it, and I have 
read the declaration over and over again, and I can find no- 
thing in it which forbids people assembling to pray to God. I 
look upon it as the height of injustice to His Majesty to pre- 
tend that he calls such assemblies unlawful, and you, who are 
the interpreters of his declaration, ought to have more respect 
for him and for your own reputation as Christians, than to 
give it so bad an interpretation as to call assemblies illegal, to 
which no arms are carried but the Old and New Testament, 
and where no words are uttered but such as find an echo in 
those sacred volumes, and where prayers are offered up for the 
prosperity of the King and his kingdom, and for the conver- 
sion of those who persecute the Church of Christ." 

A curious interruption occurred here. My advocate, Mr. 
Maureau, had been listening at the door, and he was afraid I 
should injure my cause by speaking so boldly, so he put his 
mouth to a crevice and cried, "Hist! hist! hist!" and ran 
away. The door was ordered to be opened, but the ofiender 
was not to be seen, so they contented themselves with guard- 
ing it more carefully. This incident roused the attention of 



86 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

the judges, and they evidently hoped I should let fall some 
unguarded expression they might use to my disadvantage, so 
they encouraged me to proceed, which I did as follows : " Ille- 
gal assemblies, gentlemen, it appears to me, are assemblies 
where something is done contrary to law, such as tumultu- 
ously assembling in arms to conspire against the state ; and I 
see none other to which it can be applied without losing sight 
of the correct meaning of words. If I were to extend its ap- 
plication, it is evident it should be to those meetings held in 
summer on Sunday evenings, where they play, dance on the 
green, quarrel with one another, and blaspheme their Maker 
on his appointed day of rest. Such assemblies might per- 
haps fall within the meaning of the declaration ; however, I 
do not hear of any one being taken up for attending them, 
while the prisons are filled with those whose only crime has 
been praying to God. In the name of all that is sacred, gen- 
tlemen, how dare you give such an interpretation to His Ma- 
jesty's declaration without trembling to think of the wrath of 
the King of kings? You who assemble nightly at balls, 
where they dance, speak evil of their neighbors, squander 
their money, and perhaps lose in gambling that which is 
wanted at home for the support of wives and children, to whom 
they prove a burden and a curse, rather than the blessing 
they ought to be. You, I say, who are now sitting in judg- 
ment upon others, will one day stand before the just Judge of 
all the world, and in that awful day, think you that He will 
condemn those who have worshipped him in spirit and in 
truth, or those who have frequented your assemblies ?" 

" Aha !" cried the President, " your rebellious spirit breaks 
out at last. You not only sermonize and reproach us, but 
you say the King issues declarations, wherein he forbids as- 



ax(tKy discussion. 87 

semblies where tliey pray to God, and permits those in which 
the Divine Majesty is blasphemed." '• Register, that is the 
sense of his reply, write it down." 

" It is not," said I. 

He then rose up in great anger, and said, " I am void of 
understanding if it mean any thing else." 

Some of the judges were disposed to be more patient, and 
proposed that they should listen to what I had to say. 

This was good policy on their part, for an appeal to Par- 
liament was open to me, and if I would not sign my name to 
the answers recorded, they might get into trouble, because 
they would then be required to verify upon oath every word 
they had made the Register write as coming from me. 

" Gentlemen," said I, " the sense of what I did say I take 
to be this ; that the King, by his declaration of such a date, 
never meant to prohibit assemblies where they pray to God, 
but much rather balls, and Sunday evening assemblies for 
dancing on the green, and more especially those wherein they 
conspire against the state." 

" No," said the President, "that is not it." 

" Well, gentlemen," said I, '-to put an end to the dispute 
I am very willing to dictate, verbatim, to the Register all that 
I have said ;" and T was about to begin. 

" What !" cried the President, *■' you do not surely expect 
us to listen to that long sermon over again, no ; that would 
be rather beyond endurance." 

At last, in order to save tlu" trouble of the long reply, 
they consented to take the following as the tenor of it : 

" According to my judgment, the declaration of His Ma- 
jesty of such a date does not forbid assemblies where they 
only pray to God, and I think those who extend its applica 
tion so far, depart from the intcntinn of TTis Majesty." 



88 MEMOmS OF A HUGUENOT FAlVnLY. 

This was written down, and I signed my name to it. 

The President, by way of showing my stubborness, as he 
called it, to the Court, then said to me : " Mr. Fontaine, we 
have no more questions to put to you as an accused person, but 
merely as a matter of curiosity, I wish to have your opinion ; 
whether you think a private individual, we will say, a mecha- 
nic, for instance, can understand the Holy Scriptures as well 
as the learned doctors and councils?" 

I answered. " I must make some discrimination before I 
reply to your question. Suppose the individual in qiiestion 
should be blessed with the aid of the Holy Spirit, and the 
doctors and councils should not — which I think very possible 
— then I am of opinion the former would understand the 
sacred volume the best, because the same Spirit which dic- 
tated the Scriptures is necessary for their correct understand- 
ing. Our blessed Lord and his poor fishermen found them 
selves opposed by the Scribes and Pharisees at Jerusalem. 
To come nearer to our own days, I certainly think that Lu- 
ther and Calvin understood the Scriptures better than all the 
popes, cardinals, and councils put together." 

At these words they all arose, crying out, " Jesu Maria ! 
What infatuation !" 

" Ere long, gentlemen," said I, " we shall all be summoned 
to leave this vain world, and we shall then see whose has 
been the infatuation." 

I was then taken back to prison, and my poor neighbors suc- 
ceeded me for trial in the Hall of Justice. I was well pleased 
that I had been able to put in a word for them. I had cer- 
tainly shown the judges that, if they condemned me or these 
poor people, they might, in their turn, fear condemnation from 
Him whom they had forbidden us to worship. 

The sermon, which it was reported I had preached to the 



SENTENCE. 89 

Court, made a great noise in the place, and became a topic of 
conversation both among Protestants and Papists, each dress- 
ing it in his own fashion. The judges said I had put the rope 
around my own neck. I received visits of condolence from the 
principal Protestants in the town.. Many letters were written 
to me on the subject from various places. They seemed to 
be unanimous in censuring me for m}' indiscretion, in speaking 
so freely before my judges. However, when I told the whole 
truth, and they understood how cautiously I had worded my 
replies, and more especially when I told them what had ac- 
tually been recorded, they no longer blamed, but were dis- 
posed to overwhelm me with commendation. 

The next day I received my sentence from the hands of 
the Serjeant, and I appealed to Parliament immediately. 

My sentence was that I must pay a fine of a hundred 
livres to the King, for having prayed in prison, and be de- 
clared for ever incapable of exercising any function of the 
holy ministry. 

My companions were condemned to make the " amende 
honorable," to be banished from the province for six months, 
pay all expenses, estimated at one hundred crowns in specie 
and a fine of six thousand francs was laid upon us all collec- 
tively and individually. They had included me in the sen 
tence of the people, though they had no proof against me, 
because they intended to make sure of tlic money, and they 
knew that I had some property, and my poor neiglibors had 
ittle or none. 

I tendered the hundred livres imposed upon me indi- 
vidually, and then demanded my enlargement, or, at any rate, 
the liberty of going in and out of the prison. This was re- 
fused me ; and, therefore, I was under the necessity of calling 
upon my friends to present my appeal to Parliament. 



CHAPTER VII. 

Appeal to Parliament — Factum — President's remark — Sentence reversed — R«igme» 
refuses copy of decree — Apply for redress — Return home. 

The Parliament of Bourdeaux, or rather of Guienne, then 
held its sittings at La ReoUe, and by its order we were re- 
moved to the prison of that town, which was so full that the 
jailer, contented with the payment of his entrance fee, al- 
lowed us to go and come on '• parole " as we pleased. This 
promised to be a very advantageous arrangement for me, as I 
could thus have the opportunity of making personal applica- 
tion to Parliament, proving my own innocence, and exposing 
the injustice of the Presidency of Saintes in its true colors. 

I had my Factum printed, of which the following is a true 
and faithful copy ; 

" FACTUM. 

" James Fontaine is accused of two things. The one, ot 
being found in the assemblies held in the wood of Chatelars, 
near Royan ; and the other, of having been heard praying to 
God, in the prison of Saintes. With regard to the first accu 
sation, it is based upon the testimony of only one witness, 
named Agoust. who made affidavit to having seen him at the 



FACTUM. 91 

distance of one hundred paces from his own house, and twc 
hundred paces from the place where the assemblies were said 
to have been held. At the confrontation, this witness ad- 
mitted that he only thouglit he had seen him from a window, 
and that, too, in the dusk of the evening, at the distance of 
three or four hundred paces ; and upon the strength of such 
testimony as this, the said Fontaine has been confined four 
months in the prisons of Saintes, which are extremely rude in 
their accommodations. The charge of praying to God rested 
upon the evidence of four witnesses, who contradicted them- 
selves upon cross-examination ; and it appeared that the said 
Fontaine merely knelt down in a corner of the prison, and 
spoke in so low a tone that the jailer's wifo, after acknowledg- 
ing that she passed within one pace of him when he was 
kneeling down, was not able to repeat a single word of what 
he had said. After the breviate of the case was completed, 
the Seneschal, in the most extraordinary manner, refused to 
judge, and the said Fontaine was obliged to take legal steps 
in consequence ; and after four months' delay, the Attorney- 
G-eneral's deputy, recognizing the injustice of the proceeding, 
called for further inquiry, and the sentence resulting there- 
from is the subject of the present appeal. The said Fontaine 
has been declared guilty of contravening the King's Edict, 
and has been condemned to pay a fine of a hundred livres, 
and declared for ever incapable of exercising the functions of 
candidate or minister. The said Fontaine appealed. He 
tendered the sum of one hundred livres, the fine imposed 
upon himself individually, and desired to be set at liberty. 
This was refused ; but he has since obtained permission to go 
in and out upon condition of returning to the prison. 

" This is a brief statement of facts, and the said Fontaine 



92 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

now proceeds to justify his appeal. In the first place, the 
testimony of a single witness is not sufficient under any cir- 
cumstances ; and the witness in question merely testified to 
seeing him on the higliway, and not at the place of meeting, 
and confessed afterwards that he only thought he had seen 
him. A witness, to be depended upon, should speak with cer- 
tainty, and not by credit vel non credit any more than by 
hearsay. And, furthermore, it can be proved that the said 
Fontaine was at Coses, distant three leagues, on the day and 
at the hour named by the witness. 

" As to the second accusation, could it, among Christians, 
be considered a crime to pray to God, and that, too, in the 
actual words dictated by our Blessed Lord to his disciples ? 
Surely the very situation of a prisoner would be likely to 
make him, if a Christian, pray more fervently and frequently 
than ever. He could appropriate the language of the Royal 
Prophet and say, ' Out of the depths have I cried to thee, 
Lord,' and God, who is the judge of the quick and dead, will 
not condemn him for it, whatever man may do. In order to 
convict, there should be proof of words having been used that 
could admit of evil construction ; so far from it, all that has 
appeared in evidence is, th,at he was seen on his knees in a 
remote corner of the pinson, and one witness heard him say, 
' Our Father, who art in heaven.' 

" The said Fontaine concludes with the prayer, that this 
his appeal for justice, may be favorably considered ; th# 
former decision reversed, and he be released from confinement 
and from all fines, costs, and damages. 

" Monsieur de Labourin, Reporter. 
(Signed) " Dumas, Attorney. 

"Presented Gth August, 1G84." 



APPEAL TO PARLIAMENT. 93 

When I presented this Factum to the President of the 
Parliament, I said to him, " My Lord, I here present you with 
a true statement of facts, and if you find, upon examination, 
the slightest discrepancy or exaggeration when you come to 
compare it with the evidence which will be brought before 
you I am willing not only to have the sentence of the Senes- 
chal confirmed, but increased penalties added to it." 

He read it over with attention, and then said to me, " I 
can scarcely imagine that this is correct. The Seneschal 
could have no inducement for acting thus." 

" My Lord," said I, " his ruling passion is the spirit of 
avarice, which he hides under a specious display of false zeal ; 
he only joined me with the poor people, in the sentence, to 
make sure of obtaining payment of the fine and costs. I can 
assure you his fees of office have been levied with an unspar- 
ing hand." 

There are certain fees which are the perquisite of the 
reporter, who is the one, among the judges, to whom is con- 
fided the examination of the process. The fees vary in 
amount according to the importance of the cause. The 
Seneschal had an idea that our suit would be profitable, and 
he took care to have himself appointed reporter for it, and 
he made most exhorbitant charges. 

The form of proceeding before Parliament is the same as 
before the Presidial Court. 

When I entered the Hall of Justice, the Serjeant offered 
me the stool, as in the other Court ; but I cast a look towards 
the President, who did me the favor to exempt me from the 
opprobrium. I was treated most respectfully, no unnecessary 
questions were asked, and I received full justice. I obtained 
a final decision, reversing the sentence of the Presidency of 



94 MEMOmS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

Saintes, and acquitting me entirely. My poor neighbors, for 
form's Bake, were banished from the province for six months. 
The Seneschal of Saintes was ordered to return the hundred 
livres that I had deposited, and he was prohibited from re- 
ceiving fees on this or any future occasion, where the King 
was the prosecutor. Two grievous blows for the Seneschal. 

It was necessary that I should obtain a copy of the decree 
in order to regain my liberty, and then I must exhibit the 
copy to the Seneschal of Saintes, to compel him to pay me 
back my hundred livres. 

The Register was, like some of the others with whom we 
had to deal, very fond of money. I applied to him for a copy 
of the decree, and offered him eight or ten pistoles for pay- 
ment. He would not let me have a single copy unless I paid 
him for twenty-one, which, he said, would be required, one for 
each prisoner. I knew, as well as he did. that one would be 
sufficient, and that the jailer would set us all at liberty upon 
exhibiting one single copy. 

I preferred a complaint to my reporter, who recommended 
me to go and make it in person to my Lord the President ; 
which I did, and he told me I was to command the Register, 
in his name, to furnish me with a copy, paying only for that 
single one. 

I went promptly and cheerfully with this order to the 
Chief Register, but he was a great man who interfered little 
with the business of his office, and he sent me to his deputy, 
one Cardon. who said it was none of his business. I returned 
to the Chief Register, for I did not begrudge my steps, and 
he told me to tell Cardon, from him, to speak to the Presi- 
dent. For several days I was kept on the move, going from 
one to the other without any prospect of redress ; and I then 



COMPLAINtJ TO PUESIDENT. 95 

Degan to see the object of all this delay. I fouud that this 
day was the last upon which the Court would sit before the 
Christmas holidays, and the Register and his deputy knew that 
if Parliament had adjourned, and the Lords of Parliament 
were dispersed to their several homes, I should be completely 
in their power, I should have to pay their full demand for 
twenty-one copies, or remain a prisoner during the whole holi- 
days. 

I was almost in despair. Parliament had then met to move 
the adjournment until after the Christmas holidays, and I had 
neither solicitor nor advocate to help me. I determined to 
make a desperate effort ; I wrote my grievance upon a slip of 
paper, and managed to get in to the hall when the doorkeeper 
was engaged elsewhere. I made a profound bow, said nothing, 
but held up my hands in an attitude of supplication towards 
the Lord President. Cardon was there, and called to the 
Serjeant to seize and expel the intruder : he hoped to have 
had me pushed out before I was recognized by the President ; 
but, most fortunately, he had observed my entrance as well 
as Cardon, and he called out to me, " Mr. Fontaine, have 
you not obtained your deed yet ?" 

'• No, indeed, my Lord ; what does it benefit me to have 
found favor in your eyes, and that you have done me justice, 
when it is in the power of Mr. Cardon to prevent my obtain- 
ing the necessary record of it ? Parliament once adjourned, 
be will leave me to rot in a dungeon. My despair has made 
me bold enough to enter this hall unbidden, and throw myself 
at the feet of your Lordship, as a petitioner for simple 
justice." 

The President was extremely indignant, and he called out, 
" Mr. Cardon, how dare you disobey my orders ? What have 



96 MEMOIRS OF A HTTGUENOT FAMILY. 

you to say for yourself, that ought to save you from being 
punished as you deserve ?" 

He began a shuffling sort of apology about not having re- 
ceived the instructions of the Chief Register. 

I was on the point of contradicting him ; but my Reporter, 
Mr. Labourin, who wished well to my cause, put bis finger on 
his lips, to show me that I ought to remain silent ; and I 
presently saw that it was the best policy, for the anger of the 
President was only increased by an apology that appeared to 
set at naught his own authority. 

" And am I to understand, Mr. Cardon, that you consider 
an order from me a dead letter, unless it be confirmed by the 
Register ? If you know your duty no better than that, it is 
time that I should have done with you." 

Cardon was in great dismay, and he begged pardon with 
all humility, and assured the Parliament that he would at- 
tend to the matter immediately. 

The President then addressed himself to me, and said, 
" Sir, if you cannot get your deed to-day, come and tell me ; 
and when you have received it, let me know how much you 
have paid for it." 

I made a low bow and withdrew, very well satisfied with 
the success of my bold attempt. 

I waited patiently near the door, to be on the spot to way- 
lay Mr. Cardon, as soon as the Parliament was adjourned. I 
asked him to give me my deed, and he replied he was going 
home to his dinner, and I should have it after he had dined. 
I determined not to lose sight of him, and followed to his 
mansion, which he observed, and told me I had better follow 
his example and go and get my dinner. 

" No," said I, " I will neither eat nor drink until I am 
possessed of my deed." 



OBTAIN COPY OF DECKEE. 97 

I maintained my position outside of his door for about 
two hours ; when, seeing neither him nor the deed, I knocked. 
A footman opened the door a very little way, and held it so 
that I could not possibly get in : he told me his master was 
out. I was not to be deceived in that way , I remained at 
my post, and saw several persons admitted. At last, two 
well-fed Franciscan friars came to the door, whom I followed 
in, unobserved, and keeping close in their rear, rather crouch- 
ed down, I managed to get into the office ; and there I waited 
in concealment until they had finished their business, and, as 
they retired, I rose to my full height, and stood like a spectre 
before Mr. Car don. 

" What devil placed you there ?" said he. 

I replied, " I entered under the auspices of the good 
fathers who are just gone." 

He handed me the deed, and I gave him in gold the one- 
and-twentieth part of the sum he had demanded for furnish- 
ing the full numbei', and, much to my surprise, he returned to 
me five or six crowns. 

" How is that ? Are you satisfied ?" said I. 

" No," said he, with much bitterness, " nor shall I be 
until I see you with a halter round your neck." 

" When people are hung for praying to God, I shall have 
reason to be afraid, and you will be able to sleep in peace." 

Having given him this reply, I took the deed away with 
me, and presented it to the jailer, who released us from out 
" parol," and we were at full liberty. 

I should not have dwelt upon this subject at so great 
length, but for the purpose of showing you the variety of 
diCBcultiee we had to contend with. Every one seemed to 
6 



98 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

think ho htd a right to impose upon a poor Protestant, eTec 
do\(-n to a register's clerk. 

From this detail you may learn the necessity of standing 
up for your rights with firmness, and the duty of using every 
energy to overcome the obstacles in your path, instead of sit- 
ting down quietly as some indolent persons do, to complain 
of fatigue and rebuffs, without making an effort. Remember, 
Grod has promised his blessing to the diligent hand, as well 
as the upright heart. 

In the course of the day, I called to take leave of my 
Lord the President, and to thank him for all his kindness. I 
then turned my steps toward Saintes, quite victorious, with 
the deed in my hand. I made the Seneschal refund the hun- 
dred livres already named, and once more I set foot within 
my own dwelling. The expenses I had incurred during my 
imprisonment amounted to two thousand livres. 

Most of the poor people returned quietly to their own 
homes, and were allowed to remain there without molestation. 
They received contributions from charitably disposed Protes- 
tants to an amount that made ample amends for the loss of 
time, and injury to their families, from deprivation of their 
earnings, during their imprisonment. 

The liistory of our persecution spread far and wide, and 
1 received many letters of congratulation upon the courage 
and successful result of my appeal to Parliament. Amongst 
others, the Marquis de Rouvigny, father of Lord Galway, 
wrote me a complimentary letter. He had the management 
cl much of the business of our Reformed Churches. 

Mr. Benoist gives an account of our trial and imprison- 
ment in his " History of the Edict of Nantes." You will find 
it in the third part of the third volume, pages 744 and 745. 



CHAPTER YIII. 



r.irsocutidii of 16S5— Meeting of Minibters and Elders— My Opinion opposed to tb* V»- 
.jority — Meeting of Protestants at Royan— Mr. Certani dissuades from Einigratloii-- 
Interview with him — Gloomy Forebodings — Departure of Protestants — Dragoofii 
appear— I leave Home — Visit Sisters — Traverse the Country — My betrothed. 



The year 1685 opened with a bitter spirit of persecution far 
beyoud all that had preceded it. There was no longer the 
slightest semblance of justice in the forms of proceeding, the 
dragoons ravaged and pillaged withcjut mercy, resembling in 
their progress a lawless and victorious army taking possession 
of an enemy's country. In the history of the past we look in 
vain for any record of cruelties such as were inflicted upon the 
unoffending and unresisting Huguenots. They were not ac- 
countable to any one for their acts ; each dragoon was a sove- 
reign judge and an executioner ; he who had ingenuity enough 
to invent any new species of torture was sure of applause, and 
even reward for his discovery. My blood boiled uiifler the 
sense of injury, and I desired earnestly that the I'rotestants 
should take up arms in a body, and offer resistance, instead of 
waiting quietly to be slain like beasts at the shambles. 

Early in tin; year I received an invitation to attend a 
meeting of ministers and elders at Coses, to hold a consulta- 
tion us to what ought to be done in the present cruel crisis. 

Twelve miiii.<teis and as many elders were present in 
answer to the summuiis. As I was only a candidate, aau uut 

LOFC 



100 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

a minister, I had no right to appear in such a meeting, and 
still less to give a vote, but my deportment in prison had 
gained me so much reputation, that young as I was, the minis- 
ters requested to have my opinion. 

I pointed out to thorn what I considered tlie great error 
of which they had been guilty, namely, preaching the doctrine 
of non-resistance from their pulpits. I said it appeared to me 
that our quiet submission to all the grievous edicts and decla- 
rations of the king had encouraged him to go on. Our obe- 
dience to one edict only paved the way for another more in- 
tolerable to be issued, and I thought wc might blame the 
timid policy of the day for much that we had endured. I dis- 
sented totally from the generally received doctrine that our 
lives and estates are the property of the king, and I thouglit 
such an admission reflected discredit upon our forefathers, 
who had obtained for us, sword in hand, the privileges which 
were now taken away from us. To make short of the matter, 
my opinion was that there was nothing left for us but to take 
tp arms and leave the issue to the Lord of Hosts. 

I was listened to thus far with impatience, and they then 

ebuked me sharply for the carnal spirit I had evinced in my 

remarks, which they said was the reverse of the patience and 

long-suffering taught in the Gospel, which at the utmost ez- 

;remity permitted nothing but flight. 

I replied that we were men as well as Christians, and that 
as men we had rights to maintain. If a compact entered into 
with our fathers, in virtue of which they laid down their arms, 
was broken, we were certainly called upon to enforce its fulfil- 
ment, and if necessary, even at the point of the sword. I en- 
treated them to reflect that it was impossible for this immense 
Protestant population all to leaVe the country. I was inter- 



MY OPINION GIVEN. 10] 

rupted by them again, they had not patience iu hear me, but 1 
entreated them to let me say one word more ; and I made a 
solemn appeal to them, to the intent that they should well con- 
sider, before deciding against resistance, how many thousands 
of souls would probably be lost. The poor creatures unable 
to bear the sufferings inflicted by their cruel persecutorH, 
would be almost sure to yield and abjure their faith, but if wc 
could put arms in their hands, they would willingly shed their 
blood, and sacrifice their lives, in defence of the truth. 

The meeting was not disposed to heed my counsel ; I was 
rather considered to be an impetuous, headstrong youth, and 
we separated, without deciding upon any line of action. 

When the dragoons made their appearance in our province, 
they were for a time kept away from the sea-coast. They had 
orders to overrun all the other districts first, and hence a ru- 
mor became current that sailors were to be spared. 

The Intendant of Rochefort sent a letter to Royan, re- 
commending the people to change without dragoons. A large 
meeting was held to deliberate upon the preparation of a 
suitable answer to this smooth letter. My voice was raised, 
as you may suppose, in favor of resistance. I said I was 
convinced that we could rally around us a party strong 
enough to possess ourselves of Rochefort and Brouage, in 
less than a week. 

They would not listen to me ; and I verily believe that 
nothing short of the feeling of regard for myself individually, 
and the respect for my family generally entertained througli 
out the neighborhood, would have prevented some who hearo 
me from giving information, and handing me over to justice 

They concocted a reply to the letter, without my aid ; the 
tenor of it was. that they would obey the King in all things 



1U2 MEMOlliS OK A UUGUEN or FAMILY. 

coasisteut with iiieir duty to God, but nothing would induce 
them to ehauga their religion. 

They told a very different story when the dragoons really 
(jano amoiigst them, for the principal men proved to be ar- 
rant cowards, and trod one upon another, trying who could 
get into the church first to make recantation. There was 
much more courageous and unshaken faith amongst the poor 
country people. 

Before the dragoons appeared, a good many sailors em- 
'>arked with their families, and crowds of persons followed 
them to the sea-shore, with tlie desire of going also, if room 
could be found in the vessels. It was on this occasion that 
•t Mr. Certani, the Cathoiic Cure at Royan, a sensible, respec- 
table man, v/ent after them to the shore, and dissuaded many 
from embarking, by making them a promise that Royan 
should not be visited by dragoons. He said the King loved 
his brave seamen too well to allow them to be disturbed. He 
gave additional weight to his advice, by telling them, that if 
what he had said to them did not prove true, they should be 
at liberty to burn him alive in his house. Some were per- 
^maded by him to change their plans and return home ; others, 
less credulous, embarked, happily for themselves, while they 
liad the opportunity. 

I was from home on that day, and when I returned, and 
heard of the proceedings, I went to M. le Cure, and tohl 
)iim I was come to bid him farewell, for I was certain wo 
ihould soon have the dragoons in our parish, and I did not 
mean to trust myself to their tender mercies, if I could 
help it. 

He urged me to do as many others had done, appear tc 
change, which would answer every purpose. 



GLOOMY PKKDICTIONS. 1 OJ 

I answered, that I could not lull my conscience sufficient 
ly to act in that way. 

He then told me in confidence, that he wap himself over- 
whelmed with grief at the state of things. He feared the just 
judgments of God would overtake the Catholics for forcing 
the Protestants to approach the altar without f?ith, and to 
partake of that Holy Sacrament which should on!'; be re- 
ceived by the sincere in heart. 

" I fear," said he, " War ! Famine ! and Pestilence ' 

" War ! — What is more probable than that the princes vvi*h 
whom so many Huguenots have taken refuge, should be 
aroused to avenge them of their persecutors ? 

"Famine ! For who will cultivate our fields? There will 
remain to us only old men. women, and chiklren ; all our 
young people are leaving us ; and what an army may be raised 
for our adversaries, out of the brave young men whom we are 
driving away ! 

" Pestilence ! Generally the last scourge, following upon 
the heels of famine. And who can say that we do not deserve 
such chastisement from the Almighty, for our profanation of 
his Holy Altar." 

The Cure spoke with great force on the subject, and he 
really appeared to have the gift of prophecy, for what he anti- 
cipated all came literally to pass ; but he only lived to see 
the commencement. 

The veteran army of France, formidable to the whole 
world, had been every where victorious until it made war 
upon the Saints ; and then it experienced the most gloomy 
reverses. The soldiers appeared shorn of their strengtli. and 
God took from them their ancient valor. We have seen this 
army of torturers and persecutors, fly from the face of an 



104: MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAIVIILY. 

euemy wbom they formerly scorned, and seen them driven 
from ther intrenchments, and forced to precipitate them- 
selves into tho water, like the swine of the Gadarenes, in the 
fear of enemies who once dared not quit the shelter of their 
fenced cities to encounter them. The glory of Louis, called 
the Groat, whose ambition aspired to universal monarchy, de- 
parted Jrom him when he raised his hand against the people 
of God, and he lived to reap his reward in seeing himself de- 
spised in his old age, as he deserved to be. Famine* and 
poverty covered the face of the land. The gold and the sil- 
ver disappeared, and their places were supplied by a species 
of enchanted paper, which perished before it was consumed, 
and still remains in portfolios, as a memento of what has 
been lost. Pestilence also has marched over that doomed and 
wretched land. 

France ! miserable France ! my dear native country, wilt 
thou never open thine eyes, and unstop thine ears, and under- 
stand the language in which God has spoken to thee ? Shall 
man say, I am stronger than my Maker ; I have entirely de- 
stroyed the Reformation ; I have disarmed the God who pro- 
•.octed the Protestants ; and I have caused a god of wafer to 

* We bfl\-e a more complete opportunity than our ancestors had of ob- 
serving the consequences resulting from the cruel and impolitic conduct of 
Louis, and we conscientiously believe that the French nation is still suffer- 
Jig from it. In reading the history of France, and lier revolutions, we often 
pause to think how different it might have been, if tlic descendants of the 
expatriated Huguenots had been scattered through tlie length and breadth 
.■»f the land. They were generally of that middle class which constitutes the 
.strength of a nation. They were emphatically the courageous and sober- 
minded; the moral, industrious, and the thinking portion of the community, 
as well as the truly pious. The descendants of such men, inheriting even 
in a moderate degree the traits of their fathers, might have had an influ- 
ence of which we can form no idea in moderating the cruelty, the caprice, 
and the frivolity which have of late years characterized the acts of the 
French people. 



M. LE CURE. 106 

bo adored in his stead 1 No, no ; God is not mooked, he will 
protect his faithful servants, and preserve his holy religion 
from destruction. Never canst thou, France ! enjoy thine 
ancient prosperity, whilst thou art the persecutor of God's 
elect. So long as his faithful servants were cherished in thy 
bosom, and the promises made to them in the Edict of Nantes 
carefully observed, His blessing was upon thee, as it was upon 
A-binadab, while the ark rested in his house. Thou hast 
driven them forth with cruelties unheard of, and thy prosperi- 
ty has departed with them. The floods have gone over thee. 
Oh that thou wouldst return to the Almighty and confess thy 
sins, and cease to forbid his true and pure worship ; and his 
blessing would return to thee, and thy days would be bright, 
and prosperity would appear again within thy borders. 

Sympathy for my dear native land has carried me away 
from the object of my visit to M. Lc Cure. To resume ; I 
begged he would not persist in drawing upon himself the in- 
dignation and revenge of an infuriated community, which 
would assuredly follow the arrival of the dragoons. 

" You deceive yourself," said I, " if you really believe that 
they will not be sent into our district. If they come, remem- 
ber the penalty you will have to pay ; you have given the 
people permission to burn you in your house, and I solemnly 
declare to you, that I this day heard a man, a stranger to me, 
swear by all that he held sacred, that if you had deceived the 
people, he would roast you alive, and carry the news to Hol- 
land." He turned pale at this, and said, that he had spoken 
to the people so strongly, in consc(|uencc of a letter he had re- 
ceived from the Intcndaut of Rochefort, which contained a 
positive promise, that the dragoons should not come. He 
took out the letter, and gave it to me for perusal 
5* 



106 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

After I had read it, I said to him : " How could you think 
of maldng yoiiraclf answerable for the intendant ? Suppose 
he should not keep his word with you, think in what a dan- 
gerous position you will be placed. I beseech you, as you 
value your life, go to the people before it is too late, take back 
jcur promise to them, and let them see the letter, and then 
they can judge for themselves as to the credit they are willing 
to give to it." 

He thanked me for my advice, and what is more to the 
point, he followed it, and went down to the sea-shore to tell 
the people the actual state of the case, so that they might de- 
cide for themselves. 

During the three following days great numbers embarked, 
and on the fourth the dragoons* made their appearance. All 



* T}ie Protestants lost most of their strong places during the reign of 
J^ouia XIII., and the remainder in that of Louis XIV., so that they were 
entirely at the mercy of the King, and he promised to secure to them liberty 
of conscience, and he kept his word until his latter days, when he began to 
think more upon religious subjects, and under the influence of Madame de 
Maintenon, and his confessor, La Chaise, he determined to convert all the 
IVotestants in his dominions to Catholicism. Colbert, the Minister of 
Finance, though a Catholic himself, estimated at its real value the superior 
industry of the Huguenots, and he opposed violent measures successfully, 
90 long as he lived. After his death, in 1683, the monarch had no one to 
restrain him, and tlie bigoted counsels of the confessor, and the chancellor, 
i^e TelHer, and his son, strengthened his own resolves. Almost all the 
noblemen and courtiers recanted, and Louis thought he had only to say the 
word, and their example would bo followed throughout his dominions. 
Missionaries were appointed, and furnished with large sums of money, to 
iiuikc converts; they gave in flattering reports of their success; but this 
method was thought too expensive, and a cheaper plan was to be tried. All 
Protestants were excluded from public office, children were allowed to re- 
cant at the age of seven years, and severe penalties were enacted agamst 
relapse. This caused emigration, and those in power opened their eyes 
wide enough to perceive that in the departure of seamen and artisans, they 
were losing many of their most valuable subjects, and to put a stop tj it, 
they issued an edict prohibiting emigr.ition on pain of death. 

The Protestant churches were next ordered to be demolished, and no less 



LEAVE HOME. 107 

who were left, and did not intend to recant, fled for conceal- 
ment to the woods. 

I left the home of my childhood, never to return to it, 
about midnight. I took with me about five hundr: ?. francs, 
which was all the ready money I had, two good horses, up'jn 
one of which I rode myself, and my valet was mounted upon 
the other, with a portmanteau containing a few necessaries. 
I was well armeci, and I had resolved, if I should encounter 
dragoons, to sell my life as dearly as possible. 

My house was amply furnished, and I had removed noth- 
ing from it. It was taken possession of by eighteen dra- 
goons in two hours after I quitted it : they lived there until 
they had consumed or sold every thing they could lay their 
hands upon, even to the bolts and locks of the doors. 

I passed through Coses about three o'clock in the morn- 
ing, and found dragoons were still there. They had made all 

than seven hundred were destroyed even before the revocation of the Edict 
of Nantes. 

The last measure adopted was that which has been known by the name 
0^ dragooning ;* and if we had not the most undoubted testimony on the 
subject, it would be impossible to believe that such horrors could have beeu 
perpetrated under the mask of the Christian religion. 

A day was appointed for the conversion of a certain district, and the dra- 
goons made their appearance accordingly ; they took possession of the Prot- 
estants' houses, destroyed all that they could not consume or carry away, 
turned the parlors into stables for their horses, treated the owners of the 
houses with every species of cruelty, depriving them of food, beating them, 
burning some alive, half-roasting others, and then letting them go, tying 
mothers securely to posts, and leaving their sucking infants to perish at 
their feet, hanging some upon hooks in the chimneys, and smoking them 
with wisps of wet straw till they were suffocated ; some they dipped in 
wells ; others they bound down, and poured wine into them through 
funnels, until reason was destroyed ; and many other tortures wore inflicted, 
some even more horrible than the above-named. 

* Wo believe that the use of the word dra^'oon. as a verb, implying, to abandon to 
tlie raare of the soldiery, is actually derived from the cruelties practised during thes« 
^rtiecutioiia. 



108 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

the people abjure, except about five or six persons, bo thej 
were all quartered upon those. When any one announced his 
intention of changing his religion, he was at once relieved 
frcHU the presence of the hated dra.'^oons, who dispersed them- 
fielves amongst those who still held oui. 

I rode rapidly forward, choosing the by-ways, with which 
[ was well acquainted in that part of the country. At break 
of day, I was near Jemosac, and was much startled by coming 
so suddenly upon a troop of soldiers, that I was seen by them 
before I had time to retire. They had been quartered at 
Jemosac, and had made the people who remained there per- 
form the duty of the times, as they called recantation ; and 
were hastening elsewhere to make more converts. I knew 
that if I were recognized, I should, in all probability, lose my 
life, but I concluded that my best chance was to ride fearlessly 
forward, and salute them as I passed. My horses were noble 
animals, worthy of carrying a general-officer and his aide-de- 
camp. I had scarlet housings with black fringe, and holsters 
for my pistols ; and though I was dressed in black, I had 
taken the precaution of putting on a large periwig, and crape 
upon my hat, in order to evade the suspicion that might other- 
wise have attached to my dress. The officers, thanks be to 
God, took me for a country gentleman, and returned my salu- 
tation very civilly. 

The first stoppage I made was at the house of my aunt 
Jaguald, my mother's sister. Her son had changed his re- 
ligion to escape dragooning, but the old lady was unshaken 
and I believe she remained so to the day of her death. 1 
gave her all the spiritual instruction and consolation that I 
could during the day and night I spent with her. 

I went next to Jonzac, where I had two married sisters 



VISIT SISTERS. 



109 



living, and, sad to relate, they had both recanted to escape th 
dragoons. I was extremely depressed, but continued my 
travels towards Meslars, to visit my dear sister Anne, and my 
heart was cheered to JBind this, my favorite sister, firm ia her 
faith, even though her husband had abjured his religion. She 
gave him no peace until she persuaded him to take her out oi 
France. After several days of sweet, delightful converse 
with her, I went to St. Mesme to see Mr. Forestier and my 
sister Mary, but I found they had fled. 

Wherever I went, I tried to do some good, stcengthening 
those who were firm, denouncing those who had fallen, and 
trying to persuade them to abjure their abjuration. It was 
distressing in the extreme to see the vast numbers who had 
made shipwreck of their faith. 

Many individuals there were who had borne umoved the 
bitter tortures of persecution, and who had been stripped of 
their property without yielding to temptation, and yet at 
last gave way under the infiuence of specious arguments from 
false friends, who represented to them, that as it was a com- 
mandment of God to honor and obey the King, they failed 
in duty to Him when they refused obedience to the monstrous 
decrees of the King. They thus became idolatrous renegades, 
and gave adoration to that which they knew to be nothing 
more than a morsel of bread. 

In travelling about the country I discovered an extent of 
defection that was most lamentable, and I was so afflicted 
and depressed by it that I became sick ; I lost my strength 
and spirits, and suffered much from bilious vomitings. 

I often encountered parties of soldiers, and I had becomi 
BO low-spirited that I used to think I should not be sorry 
jf they took away my life, Indeed^ at that time, I would have 



110 MEMOIRS OF A HIJGTJENOT FAMILY. 

parted with it willingly, if, in the combat. I could have dt 
stroved any of the leaders of these troops who were doing tbt 
Devil's work throughout the land. 

You must know, that though I was a poor soldier on foot from 
nv lameness, I was by no means a contemptible oppoficnt when 
'counted. I was an excellent horseman, and so good a shot 
'hilt I could hit a mark at twelve or fifteen paces with my 
horse at full gallop. One of my horses was an Arabian, re- 
markably fleet ; if I gave him the bridle he would move with 
the swiftness of a race horse, stretching out his legs, and then 
doubling them under him, so as to bring his body very near 
the ground. The eyes of the rider were dazzled by the rapi- 
dity with which he passed over the ground, but there was no 
uneasinsss from the motion. I knew that none of the dra- 
goons could overtake me when mounted on him, and I deter- 
mined, if they should pursue me, to fight like the Parthians, 
wait for any one of them who should distance the rest by the 
flcetness of his horse, shoot him, gallop off. and load my pistol 
to be ready for another. I scarcely feared a whole company 
when I was riding my Arabian, for they could not approach 
mc in a body, and one by one, I was sure I could dispose of 
several of them. In addition to this, I was very well acquaint- 
ed with that part of the country, which gave me a great ad- 
vantage over them, and in extremity I could have availed 
myself of windings and thickets among the woods where they 
would not dare to follow. I made every preparation that I 
could for self-defence, but my reliance was not so much upon 
that as upon the protection of my Father in Heaven, whom 
[ tried to serve to the best of my power, and who, in his in- 
finite mercy, has upheld me through many ard grevt dangers 
as well then as at ether periods of my life. 



TKAVEKSK THE COUKTRT. 11] 

I was much aided by some of the enemies of the Gospel 
during my wanderings. My little stock of money was dwin- 
dling rapidly away, and I had no prospect of obtaining any 
more, so I had tu think how I could make my present supply 
hold out the longest. I dismissed my valet as an unnecessary 
expense, and, at the same time, hit upon a plan for rocru'*^'r'ff 
one of my horses, while I was travelling about on the otb-;i^. 
Between Jonzac and Jemosac, there stood an old castle be- 
longing to the Count of Jonzac, who lived much at court, 
and followed the fashion of the day among the courtiers, in 
being a great persecutor of the Protestants. I had taken 
rest occasionally at a small tavern on his estate, where I felt 
myself very safe, for I was personally unknown to the people, 
and as they were all Papists there was no fear of any dra- 
goons making their appearance. Mine host was a humane, 
simple peasant, who always received me with kindness. I told 
him I had some business to transact which kept me from 
home, and obliged me to ride through the country a great 
deal, and I should esteem it a favor if he would take care of 
one of my horses while I was making use of the other. I 
said that I expected to pay for it as a matter of course. He 
sent for a groom from the castle who had charge of the 
horses belonging to the Count, who, finding he could make a 
little money, very readily consented to put my horse in th« 
meadow, and attend to it. I used to return there every week 
or two, or three, as might be convenient to me. and change 
ray horse, leaving the jaded animal to recruit in the meadow. 
I pursued this plan regularly for at least three months, and I 
found the people uniformly kind and faithful to me during 
the whole time. 

It was bv no means uncommon for me to be six or seven 



112 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAIVIILT. 

days without being able to undress myself, or even so much 
as draw off my boots, afraid to venture abroad in the day- 
time ; I generally rode from place to place in the night. 

My troubles were increased by the great anxiety I felt 
lest any evil should befall that worthy and pious woman, 
whom God gave to me afterwards for my beloved partner and 
Keip-mate, and my greatest earthly comfort — your dear mo- 
cher. She was concealed in the house of a Mr. Mechinet, 
where I feared she might not be safe from persecution, and 
therefore I was on the look-out for a better place of refuge, 
and I found it for her under the roof of a Mr. Brejon, an ad- 
vocate, who had changed his religion. There was no fear of 
his being visited by dragoons, besides he lived at Pisauyau 
Castle, the seat of the Duke of Montausier, of whose estates 
he had the management. I felt that no asylum could be found 
that offered greater security. 



CHAPTEE IX. 

Sevocatlon of the Edict of Nantes— Preparations for flight— Difficulties and dangwe of 
embarkation— Land in England— Cheapness of bread— Speculation in grain— Cruelty 
of a captain of a vessel. 

In the month of October, 1685, the edict of Nantes was 
actually revoked* by that great persecutor, Louis the 14th. 
Of course no choice was now left for Protestants ; flight 
was the only alternative. 

I went to Marennes to make preparations in good earnest, 
and I was so fortunate as to find an English captain of a 

* Surely this act has been incorrectly ternied the Eevocation of the Edict 
of Nantes. All its provisions liad been repealed long ago by royal edicts 
and ordinances, except the bare toleration of Protestantism in some few 
towns and districts. The edict of the 22d October, 1685, forbade all exercise 
of the reformed religion, ordered the clergy to expatriate themselves within 
a fortnight, unless they would recant, and^n that case their incomes were to 
be increased one-third, and continued to their wives. All infants were re- 
quired to receive popish baptism, and every one caught in the attempt to 
escape (unless he was a minister) was condemned to the galleys for life. 

Ill 1686, the enactments were still more severe. A Protestant taken in the 
act of public worship was punished with deatli, and all Protestant clergy- 
men, whether natives or foreigners, were to be executed. To increase the 
V.>ilance of the soldiery, a reward of three or four pistoles was given for 
every Protestant that was taken up 

In spite of the care with which tne coast and frontiers were ^larded, it 
is believed that not less than 50,000 families made their escape, and they en- 
riched every land that received them, carrying arts and mannfaeturcs and 
industry in their train ; and it has been remarked by close observers tliat 
their descendants, up to this day, continue to be distinguished for virtue 
kud respectability. 



114 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

vessel, with whom I was able to make a bargain. He agreed 
to take me, and four or five persons with me, to England, at 
the rate of ten pistoles each, and it was arranged that we 
should assemble at Tremblade for embarkation. I went im 
mediately to fetch your dear mother, Anne Elizabeth Boursi- 
quot, and her sister Elizabeth, and my niece Janette Fores- 
tier ; the latter was my god-daughter, and I felt it incumbent 
upon me to provide for her safety. 

i mentioned the plan to some few persons, and I expect- 
ed they would have rejoiced at the prospect of getting away, 
but their fears were stronger than their hopes, and they 
dared not venture to encounter so many dangers. The coast 
was carefully guarded both by sea and land to prevent emi- 
gration. 

We went to Tremblade to be ready, and took up our 
abode in the house of a man who was to act as our pilot be- 
cause he could speak English. He was a very imprudent 
as well as a drunken man, which made our situation very 
dangerous while under his roof. 

After several days of cruel suspense, the Captain sent ua 
word that he should be ready to sail the next day, and he 
wished us to be in readiness also. He said that he should 
pass between the Isle of Oleron and the main-land, and that 
if we would be on the sands near the Forest of Arvert, he 
would send a boat ashore for us. 

We set oflF during the night, and had two horses to carry 
the few little possessions we were able to take with us. In 
the course of the following day, upwards of fifty persons as- 
sembled on the sands, with the hope that they might be 
taken on board the vessel, and make their escape with ua. 
Most of them were very young, and they had not taken due 



SUSPENSE. 115 

precaution to conceal their intentions, so tLe Papists became 
aware of what was going on, and they gave information of it, 
upon which the Custom House detained the vessel. Wc 
waited anxiously all day, in utter ignorance of the cause of 
delay, and while we were in this painful state of suspense, I 
called the people around nie and addressed them ; then we 
all knelt upon the shore, and I offered up a prayer BulteH to 
our distressing condition. You will find a copy among mj 
papers, and I am sure when you read it you will be convinced 
that it was a prayer of the heart as well as the lips. 

The Cure of Tremblade had heard that a number 
of persons were collected on the shore, and he had the cu- 
riosity to come down and see for himself. He brought with 
him a man who had formerly been a sort of juggler. They 
were once so near to us that we actually saw their little 
dog, which was rather in advance of them, when they were 
providentially met by two fishermen, who had seen us, and 
whose sympathies were enlisted in our favor, and they pur- 
posely misled them. They enlarged to thcni also upon the 
great danger they were in of losing themselves amongst the 
sand hills, and they offered to act as guides, and led them 
to a path by which they would be sure not to stumble upon 
us. 

At night some of our friends sent horses down for us to 
return to Tremblade. Fifteen or twenty of us were taken 
in by a man who had changed his religion. He did it un- 
willingly and was in a dreadful fright all the time, for there 
was a fine of 1 000 crowns laid upon any one who was dis- 
covered to have harbored a Protestant : and houses were 
liable to be searched at any moment upon the slightest sus- 
picion. After concealing us during the whole day, his feai 



llfi insMoms OF a huguenot family. 

got the better of his humanity, and towards night he turned 
us all out of his house, saying to us : "I have damned my own 
sc*al to save my property, and I am not going to run the risk 
of losing it for you. Take your chance elsewhere, or do as 
I have done." We were much depressed by this unkind 
treatment, but we knew not what was best for us, and it 
turned out that we had great reason to thank God that we 
were not allowed to spend the night where we had passed the 
day. Some one had given information that led the magis- 
trate to suspect the place of our concealment, and we had 
not quitted the house more than half an hour, before a Jus- 
tice of the Peace and some soldiers went to it. and exam- 
ined every part most carefully in search of secreted Prot- 
estants, but found none. 

Tremblade is a very populous place, and before it was 
visited by the dragoons it did not contain more than twenty 
Papists, but all the Protestants had recanted who remained 
there. We did the best we could amongst them, one finding 
shelter here, another there, and I must acknowledge that we 
experienced much more of humanity and Christian hospital- 
ity amongst the wives of the poor fishermen than we did 
with the comparatively affluent. We passed the next four or 
five days in the cottages of the former. 

At la-st the Captain of the English vessel came to La 
Tremblade, to tell me that he was afraid he should not be 
able to take us on board. However, he said he meant to go 
to sea the next day, and he should pass between the islands 
of Re and Oleron, and if we were disposed to run the risk ot 
going out there in s-mall boats, he might receive us on board 
after he had got rid of all visitors, custom-house officers 
and others, and that he could not possibly assist us in any 



EMBAliKATlON. 117 

Other way. That very evening, the ofOth November. 1685 
(French or new style), we embarked in a little shallop as soon 
as it was dusk. Our party consisted of your dear mother, 
yoift aunt Elizabeth, Janette Forestier, myself, two young 
men from Bourdeaux, and six young women from Marennes, 
twelve in all, in place of the fifty who were ready to embark 
a few days before. Under cover of the night we pasced, with- 
out being observed, all the pinnaces that were keeping guard, 
as well as the Fort of Oleron. At ten o'clock next morning 
we dropped our anchor to wait for the ship. We had in 
structed our boatmen that in case of being pursued, they wf re 
immediately to run the boat ashore, abandon her, and then 
" sauve qui pent." 

I was as usual well armed to meet any emergency, and I 
had resolved to defend myself to the last gasp, and never to 
be taken alive. Thanks be to God, our merciful guide and 
preserver, I was not put to the trial, for he watched over us 
and blinded the eyes of our enemies. 

We had agreed with the English captain that when we 
saw him, we should make ourselves known by hoisting a sail 
and letting it fall three times. About three o'clock in the 
afternoon we first espied the vessel, but she had the official 
visitors and pilot still on board. We watched her movements 
with intense anxiety, and we saw her cast anchor when she 
reached the extreme point of the Isle of Oleron, then she 
put out the visitors and pilot, took her boat on board again, 
got under way and sailed towards us. It was a joyful sight ; 
we felt confident that we had surmounted every difficulty, 
and we expected in a very few minutes to be under full sail 
for England. Our joy was of short duration, for at that mo 
ment one of the King's frigates hove in sight and gradually 



ilS MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

approached us. She was one of the vessels constantl)- em 
ployed on the coast to prevent Protestants leaving the king- 
dom ; and all who were found were seized, and the men sent 
to the galleys, the women to convents. No language can de- 
scribe our consternation at this sudden change in our pros 
pects ; a moment before the cup of happiness was at our lips 
and now dashed to the ground. 

We were at the distance of a cannon-shot from the frigate, 
and what would she think of us ? We were in a little bit of 
a boat, at anchor, in a place which did not afford safe anchor- 
age even for large shipping. She cast anchor, ordered the 
English vessel to do the like, boarded her, and searched every 
nook and corner, without finding any French Protestants on 
board except Mr. Mausy, the minister, whose departure was 
authorized by law, and his family, who were with him, and had 
passports. What a blessing that we were not on board at this 
time ! Had the frigate been only one hour later in appearing, 
we should all have been lost. After the search, the English- 
man was ordered to sail instantly. The wind was favorable, 
so he could make no excuse, and we had the misery of seeing 
him leave us behind. He could not even see us, for the frigate 
was between him and our boat. 

Our situation was deplorable, we were in a state of perfect 
despair and knew not what to do, for danger stared us in the face 
alike in every direction. If we remained where we were, we 
should certainly excite suspicion, and the frigate would send 
to overhaul us. If we attempted to return to Tremblade. the 
chances were a hundred to one against our succeeding. To 
add to our dismay, our poor boatman seemed incapable of ex- 
ertion, he did nothing but cry and lament over his infatuation, 
that he should have allowed liimsi-lf to oc p'^rsuaded to takf 



TNGENIOrS DEVICE. 110 

US on board. He and his son, who was also with us, had been 
Protestants, and they had abjured under compulsion. He 
knew well that nothing short of a halter awaited thenv if 
caught in the act of aiding Protestants to make their escape. 

I may truly say, that prayer has been my resource in all 
difficulties through the whole course of my life. I betook my 
self to it on this occasion, and I felt a strong persuasion that 
God would not suflfor us to fall into the hands of his enemie? 
and ours, but open a way for our escape. 

All at once I thought of a feint which, thank God, proved 
successful, and effected our deliverance. Having considered 
that the wind was fair to Rochelle and contrary to Trem- 
blade, I said to the boatman. " Cover us all up. in the bottom 
of the boat, with an old sail, then hoist 3'our sail and go right 
towards the frigate, pretending to endeavor to gain Trem- 
blade ; and if they should hail you from tlie frigate, you must 
say, you are from Rochelle, and going to Tremblade If they 
ask what you have on board, say nothing but ballast ; and it 
would be well for you and your son to counterfeit drunken- 
ness, tumbling about in the boat, and then you can. as if by 
accident, let the sail fall three times, and so inform the Eng- 
lish captain who we are." 

He determined to abide by my counsel, and ho immediate 
ly covered us all up with a sail, and actually went within pis 
tol-shot of the frigate. As T had expected, she hailed him 
asked whence he came, whither ho was going, and what h* 
had on board. 

To all which he replied as I had instructed liiin. 

" But what made you cast anchor ?"' said they. 

" I was in hopes," he said, '• that the wind would change, 
4nd I might make Tremblade. but it is still too strong for mft." 



120 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

At that moment the son fell down in the boat and dropped 
the sail, his father left the helm, and, instead of hoisting the 
sail at once, took a rope's-end and pretended to chastise 
him, the hard blows falling on the wood and making a 
great noise. The son cried out lustily, and the people in 
the frigate threatened that if the father had not more pa- 
tience with his son, they would be with him directly, and 
treat him in the same way. He made excuses for himself 
by saying, that his son was as drunk as a hog. He then 
ordered him to hoist the sail again, and he resumed his 
station at the helm. The son let it fall a second time, 
almost as soon as he had raised it, and repeated the same 
manoeuvre a third time, and thus we managed to give the 
English captain information of who we were, without excit- 
ing the suspicions of the oflScers in tlie frigate. They were 
so fearful of some accident happening, that they called out 
to our boatman not to think of making Tremblade, for night 
was fast approaching, the wind contrary, and he would in- 
evitably be lost. They advised him to return to Eochelle 
with the fair wind, which was exactly the advice we wished 
to receivvO from the frigate. Our course was instantly al- 
tered, the boat was put before the wind, and we bade them 
adieu very cordially in our hearts, but we still remained 
closely covered at the bottom of the boat. 

In the mean time, the English vessel had answered our 
signal, but she was getting fairly out to sea, and we dared 
not follow her for fear of the frigate, which still remained 
at anchor. About twilight the boatman said we must make 
the attempt while it was yet not quite dark, or we should 
be swallowed up by the waves. We had no sooner altered 
our course, than we observed the frigate take up her an 



ESCAPE. 121 

clior and set her sails. We naturally thought that she nad 
noticed us and was preparing to pursue us, and we again 
turned towards Rochelle, in great agony of mind. We should 
all have preferred instant death to capture, for we were aware of 
our own weakness and frailty, and we feared persecution might 
destroy our constancy. A few minutes put an end to our 
anxiety, for we saw the frigate steering towards Rochefort, and 
we again changed our course and made for the English vessel, 
which slackened her rate to allow us to overtake her. We 
went on board with the frigate still in sight. A blessed and 
ever-memorable day for us, who then eflPected our escape from 
our cruel enemies, who were not so much to be feared be- 
cause they had power to kill the body, but the rather from 
the pains they took to destroy the souls of their victims. 

I bless God for the multitude of his mercies in earthly 
enjoyments also. He allowed me to bring to England 
the dear one whom I loved better than myself, and she will- 
ingly gave up relations, friends and wealth to be the sharer 
of my poverty in a strange land, where we could worship 
God according to the dictates of conscience. I here testify 
that we have fully experienced the truth of that prom- 
ise of our Blessed Saviour, to give an hundred fold more, 
even in this present life, to those who leave all and follow 
him. We have never wanted for any thing, we have not only 
been supplied with necessaries, but comforts, and oftentimes 
luxuries also. Certain it is, that a man's life consisteth not 
in the abundance of the things that he possesseth, but in the 
enjoyment he has of them, and it is in this sense that I would 
be understood, when I say that we have received the hundred 
fold promised in the Gospel ; for we have had infinitely more 
joy and satisfaction in having abandoned our property for 
6 



122 MEMOmS OF A HUGUENOT FAlVnLY. 

the glory of God, than they can have had who took posses- 
sion of it. 

We had contrary winds, and were eleven days on the 
voyage. We suffered a little from shortness of provisions, 
jspecially water, but we could not venture into any French 
port for a supply. 

We landed on the first day of December 1685, — English 
or old style — at Appledore, a small town in the British Chan- 
nel, below the river Taw, which goes up to Barnstaple. 
After paying passage money for the party I had only twenty 
gold pistoles left. God had not conducted us in safety to a 
haven there to leave us to perish with hunger. The good 
people of Barnstaple were full of compassion, they took us 
into their houses and treated us with the greatest kindness ; 
thus God raised up for us fathers and mothers, and brothers 
and sisters in a strange land. 

The first thing that struck me on my arrival in England 
was the extreme cheapness of bread. What with sea-sick- 
ness, and shortness of provisions on board ship, we had suf- 
fered a good deal, and we were very anxious for something 
to eat as soon as we landed 

The first act after getting out of the vessel, was to return 
thanks to God for his merciful goodness in having brought 
us safely to the shores of England ; the second was to ask 
for bread. We were supplied with very large biscuits, 
such as in France would have cost twopence each, and to my 
surprise I was told that here they only cost one half-penny. 
I was doubtful of the fact, thinking I might be misled by 
my ignorance of the English language, so I gave a penny 
to a little girl and asked her to buy me some bread. She 
went to a baker, and sure enough, she brought me back two 



CHEAP HKEAD. 128 

Df these large biscuits. It instantly occurred to mc that 
any one who could buy grain here, and ship it to France, 
must realize a large profit, but alas ! I had no money. I 
knew that there were some French Protestant refugees living 
at Plymouth, who had brought considerable property over 
wit J them, and perhaps if I were to suggest this plan to 
them, they might be willing to lend me .some money to join 
them in an adventure. But I wished to be perfectly well 
informed on the subject before speaking to them ; so having 
learnt that a corn market would be held next day at Bidde- 
ford, I walked over there and took a man, understanding both 
French and English, to act as interpreter. I found that Wie 
finest description of wheat could be bought at the rate of 
two shillings and sixpence, or three shillings at the outside 
for such a sack as in France would cost two crowns. 

I then made inquiries about export duties upon grain, 
and I ascertained, that, on the contrary, a drawback was al- 
lowed at the Custom House on the exportation of grain, 
when the price was as low as it was at this time. 

In four or five days after our landing I was taken into the 
house of a most kind and charitable gentleman, a Mr. Downe. 
I requested him to lend me a horse to ride over to Ply- 
mouth, to confer with my friends and fellow-countrymen 
there. I found upon opening my plans to them that they 
had, like me, been struck with the low price of grain and 
had invested all their money in it already to ship to France, 
BO I had my trouble for nothing, and I returned to Baru- 
staple in rather a pensive mood. 

After revolving the matter in my mind during a sleep- 
less night, I decided that it would be right to let my host 
have the benefit of my knowledge, as a small return for hi<j 



124 MEMOIKS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

hospitality, for it was possible be migbt be disposed to send 
some corn to France. He entered into my plan very readily, 
the more so from having been engaged in trade in his youth. 
He had been to Spain as supercargo of a vessel on one oc- 
casion, so my project was quite in his way. He said he 
would willingly risk as much as £300 or £400 upon it, and 
he most generously offered to give me half the profit. I hes- 
itated about the propriety of accepting it, because loss was 
possible, though profit was probable, and if it should be loss, 
how could I pay my share of it 1 Upon further consideration 
I made up my mind to accept his offer, but to provide against 
loss by effecting an insurance upon my half, for which I paid 
a premium of two and a half per cent, to insure me against 
loss both in going and returning. 

The whole of my personal property consisted of twenty 
pistoles in gold, six silver spoons, one of them a very hand- 
some silver gilt, with the initials I. D. L. F. engraved upon it. 
I had great value for that spoon, it having been used by my 
father when he was upon his travels before he was married, 
and my mother gave it to me in the same case he had carried 
it in. I had also a silver watch, and a rose diamond worth 
ten or twelve pistoles. My intended wife had a gold chain 
for the neck, a pearl necklace, an emerald, and a diamond 
worth five pistoles. If any loss occurred which was not cov- 
ered by the insurance, I thought that we could pay for it by 
the sale of our possessions, enumerated above. You observe 
I have put your mother's articles in the list, for though not 
yet united by marriage, we felt our interests were one and 
the same from our mutual vows, our affection and our confi. 
dence. 

Mr. Downe chartered a vessel of about 50 tons burthen, 



SHirMENT TO FRANCE. 125 

loaded her without delay, and consigned her to Mr. Boursi 
quot, a brother of your mother, and to Peter Robin, a distant 
cousin of mine. You may guess their astonishment at re- 
ceiving such a consignment from their relation, whom they 
bad pronounced to be a madman, to abandon his country, for- 
feit his property and go to a foreign land, as they predicted 
to die of hunger. They would scarcely have lent him fiv« 
sous, and in less than five weeks after his departure from 
home, he sends to them a vessel laden with corn of the 
value of 6 or 7000 livres. It appeared absolutely incredible. 

The profit would have been very great if it could have 
been sold instantly, but the king had sent for corn from 
foreign countries, which arrived about the same time mine 
did, and that which belonged to the Royal speculator was 
ordered to be all sold before the cargoes of private individ- 
uals could be touched. Nevertheless, the profit was consid- 
erable, and the return cargo, nine tons and three hogsheads 
of Bourdeaux wine, some chestnuts, and salt also sold to ad- 
vantage. 

Mr. Downe prepared to make a second shipment, and he 
was persuaded by some friends that the first cargo would 
have done better had it been consigned to a regular mer- 
chant — the English seldom know when they are well oflF — 
and I, from a foolish diSidence. did not stand up for my 
'.ousin as I ought to have done. The vessel was therefore, 
aiuch to my sorrow and to our great loss, sent to a merchant 
at Marennes, who understood merchandise rather too well for 
us. He swallowed all the profits in his enormous charges, 
and then instead of returning, as we had instructed him tc 
do, the best Bourdeaux wines, he shipped the " Vin du 
Pays" which he had received in the way of trade from the 



126 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

peat»autSj and he invoiced it to us at the price of real gr»od 
wine. 

We made still another adventure, and ordered the return 
cargo to be in salt. I lost by this more than all I had 
gained, and I was saddled with debts besides. I will give 
the particulars. 

After the Captain had taken in his cargo, he was applied 
to by several Protestants to give thcni a passage to England, 
which he agreed to do most cheerfully. They were some of 
a numerous class, those who had made abjuration in the 
hope of being free from disturbance, and gaining time to 
turn all their property into cash, and then to watch an oppor- 
tunity for escaping withit. In this case they placed mistaken 
confidence in the integrity of the Captain, and put their 
money into his hands for safe keeping. The sight of the 
treasure was a temptation beyond his powers of resistance, 
and he determined in some way or other to make it his own. 
He let one or two of the sailors into his confidence, and ar- 
ranged with them to take the vessel to Spain. The Captain 
told the passengers that the wind was contrary, and they 
might require to shelter the vessel in some port, and as 
they would run great risk by going into a French port, he 
intended to stretch over to the coast of Spain. When be- 
tween Bilboa and St. Sebastian, with every sail set, the wind 
and tide favoring their wicked purposes, they ran the vessel 
upon the beach and she was a complete wreck. Here was an 
end of our cargo of salt ; it returned to the sea whence it 
came. 

The most horrible part of the story is yet to come. The 
Captain and crew jumped into the boat with the treasure, and 
'eft the passengers to be drowned, for every wave washed com 



CRUEL CONDUCT. 127 

pletely over the wreck. One of their number, a lady of 
quality, who owned the largest part of the treasure, wore a 
thick quilted petticoat, which buoyed her up so entirely that 
she might have floated ashore, had not the Captain espied her 
and prevented it. He put off towards her in his boat, as 
though he were going to assist her, but when he got within 
reach, he plunged her under the water with a boat-hook, and 
held her down for so long a time that the petticoat which 
had in the first instance resisted the water, becoming saturat- 
ed, prevented her rising. Auri sacra fames pectora cogis. 

After having thus barbarously drowned those who had 
placed unlimited confidence in him, he went to Cadiz with his 
ill-gotten wealth, bought a share in a Spanish privateer, of 
which he took command, and that is the last I ever heard of 
him. 

My losses were so heavy that I was obliged to dispose of 
my watch, gold chain, and silver spoons, and still something 
remained unpaid. These various transactions occupied seve- 
ral months, but as the commencement occurred immediately 
after my arrival, I have thought it best to continue the ac- 
count to its winding up, so as not to break the thread of the 
history. 



CHAPTER X. 

Btngnlar proposal from a lady — Marriage — Mode of Living — Removal to Bridgewater— 
Aislstance from Committee — Why discontinued— Application for Relief— Unklnd> 
ness — Attempt to recover property. 

I HAVE already mentioned that I bad been bospitably received 
into tbe bouse of a Mr. Downe at Barnstaple. Tbis gentle- 
man was a bachelor of some forty years of age, and he had an 
unmarried sister living with him, who was about thirty-three 
or thirty-four years old. They were kindness itself, and I 
was as completely domesticated with them as if I bad been a 
brother. They were in easy circumstances. Miss Downe 
was worth about £3000, and her brother had an estate neai 
Minehead, worth £10,000. 

The poor lady most unfortunately took a great fancy to 
me, and she persuaded herself that it would be greatly for the 
benefit of all concerned if she were to be married to me, and 
her brother to my intended. I should have supposed it an 
easy matter for any one to have fallen in love with your dear 
mother in those days, for she was very beautiful, her skin was 
delicately fair, she had a brilliant color in her cheeks, a high 
forehead, a remarkably intellectual expression of countenance ; 
her bust was fine, rather inclined to embonpoint, and she had 
a very dignified carriage, which some persons condemned a? 
haughty, but I always thought it peculiarly becoming to one 



SINGULAR OFFER. 129 

of her beauty. The charms of her mind and disposition were 
no way inferior to those of her person, so that altogether she 
seemed formed to captivate the most indifferent, yet I am 
ahuost sure that Mr. Downe only yielded to the solicitations 
of his sister, and had really no love in his heart. 

jNIiss Downe opened her project to me one day by observ- 
ing that she thought we must be two fools, to think of being 
married to each other, when our only portion would be beg- 
gary. I did not at first comprehend her, but she persevered 
in her attacks upon me at every opportunity, and began to 
give me broad hints that if I would only open my eyes, I 
might plainly see where I could do much better for myself. 
I then discovered her meaning, but I was determined not to 
appear to understand it, and our languages being different, 
made it very easy for me to appear as ignorant as I pleased. 
However, it so happened that her brother entered the room 
one day when she was trying to drive it into me, that a more 
suitable match was within my power than the one I was in- 
tending to make. She turned to him and begged he would 
make the explanation for her, which, from our mutual know- 
ledge of Latin, and his slight acquaintance with the French 
language, he was well able to do. The request his sister had 
made evidently embarrassed him a good deal ; he was not 
nearly so much taken with your dear mother as Miss Downe 
was with me, which seemed most strange, for I am sure he 
had much more reason to be smitten than she had. After a 
little hesitation and clearing of his throat, he told me that the 
plain truth of the matter was this : " My sister wishes to 
marry you, and if you will agree to it, I have promised to 
help to remove the difficulty, we see in the way, by taking for 
my wife, your intended lady, whom you br'^nght with you 
6* 



130 MEMOIKS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

from France." I should mention that there was nothing at 
tractive, but rather the reverse, in the personal appearance of 
Miris Dowue; she was short, thin, sallow, and marked with the 
small-pox. Mr. Downe was by no means handsome, but he 
was much better looking for a man than his sister for a wo- 
man. In answer to the above most singular offer, I said not 
a word, but drew from my pocket a paper which I gave him 
to read. It contained a solemn promise of mutual constancy, 
and your mother and I had each signed it. We had executed 
two such documents, and each kept one. After Mr. Downe 
had read it, I said to him : " My love is so strong and so sin- 
cere that, even now, if I thought the dear object of my devot- 
ed attachment would be more happy in being the wife of a 
rich man, I feel that I am equal to making the sacrifice of my 
own happiness and releasing her from every promise ; but if I 
may judge of her feelings by mine, I think she would not give 
me up to become the possessor of untold wealth. I will give 
you this strong proof of the sincerity of my assertion, I will 
promise to deliver your message faithfully to her." 

Accordingly I went that very evening to the house of Mr. 
Fraine where she was staying, and I executed the delicate 
commission with which I had been charged. To tell the 
truth, I was not altogether sorry that so good an opportunity 
should offer itself for discovering whether her love was equal 
to mine. As soon as she had heard the message, she burst 
into tears ; she evidently thought I was attracted by the for- 
tune of Miss Downe, and wished to break off my engagement 
with her. She continued to weep in silence, .so I repeated the 
offer over again, and added that she would have altogether the 
best of the bargain, because the fortune of Mr. Downe was 
three times as large as that of his sister She then made a 



MUTUAL AFFECTION. 131 

great effort to speak with composure, and scarcel}' raising her 
eyes, she said, slowly and distinctly, " You are free, I releasu 
you absolutely and entirely from every promise that you have 
ever made to me. I feel deeply sensible of the great weight 
of my obligation to you for having rescued me from persecu- 
tion and brought me to this country. I shall be for ever 
grateful to you for it ; and I will not make you such an un- 
kind return for those favors as holding you to your contract 
would be, and thus condemning you to poverty for life. 
Think no more of me ; I am contented to remain as I am ; 
only be so good as convey to Mr, Downe a request not to 
repeat to me himself that which I have heard from you, for I 
never will be his wife." 

This answer was quite too much for me ; it was now my 
turn to weep, and our tears flowed together. When I had 
somewhat recovered from the effect of her words. I spoke to 
her with much solemnity : " Think you, dearest, that you 
could live contentedly with me ? Could you resolve to help 
me to labor for our living, and for the support of those whom 
Grod might give us ? Remember ! poverty is a hard, grinding 
mistress, and one under whom we shall probably be obliged to 
work all the days of our lives. For my part, I have a strong 
confidence that God will not suffer us to know actual want, 
and I am ready to encounter the difficulties and hardships 
that may stand in the way with you for my partner through 
them all. If you dare venture to run the risk, say so ; and I 
assure you I shall think myself infinitely happier with the 
prospect of laboring with my hands, earning bread for you to 
eat, with the sweat of my brow, than if I were going to wed 
the wealthiest of women. I can live single ; but I will be the 
husband of none but you on the face of the earth." 



132 MEMOIKS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

She replied to this with much animation of countenance 
and said, •' Every word you say finds its answering echo in my 
breast." 

That evening, which had begun with tears, ended most 
ioyfuUy. We had thought, until then, that we would defer 
our marriage until we had some visible means of maintaining 
ourselves ; but now, prudential considerations were laid aside, 
and we resolved to become one by the laws of God and man, 
as we already were in lieart, without delay, and thus prevent 
any future attempt to separate us. 

I returned with a light heart to my host and hostess, and 
gave such an answer as might have been expected under the 
circumstances. I endeavored to make them comprehend the 
strength of our affection, and how impossible it would be to 
break off an engagement of such long standing as ours, and 
cemented by so much joint anxiety and suffering. Our mu- 
tual vows were to be binding until death, under all imaginable 
change of circumstances, with the exception only of apostasy 
on either side, of which now, thanks be to God, there was no 
longer any danger. 

Mr. Downe was a man of good sense and kind feelings, and 
I verily believe he was relieved by the issue of the negotia- 
tion. It was otherwise with his sister ; she was displeased 
and aggrieved, and made no secret that she was so. 

We were married on the 8th February, 1686, at the Pa- 
rish Church of Barnstaple, by Mr. Wood, the Rector. 

My wife had lived at the house of Mr. Fraine, since the 
day after our landing, and he took upon himself the furnishing 
of a wedding-feast for us, to which he invited almost all the 
French Refugees in the neighborhood. 



EARLY MARRIED IJFE. 133 

Mr. Downe invited the same party to a similar entertain 
ment at his house the day following. 

Our funds were as low as they well could be, for I had 
paid £5 for the insurance of my merchandise, and I had been 
obliged to pay £3 for the purchase of a wedding-ring, and 
procuring the license for our marriage. You may judge of 
our mutual affection, by our having refused to marry persons 
of wealth. You should also observe the strong confidence we 
had in the good Providence of God ; and blessed be his 
name ! we have never had reason to repent. 

We lived for a month or two in a furnished room ; then I 
received from France a feather-bed, and several coverlets, 
which my former valet, Manseau, had contrived to save from 
my house. My sister Forestier sent me some household 
linen from London, and with these grand additions to our 
possessions, we ventured upon hiring a small house in a back 
street. The French Refugees had talked about our marriage, 
and our poverty, which caused some of the inhabitants of the 
town to come and see us ; and they added to our stock all the 
articles of furniture that were necessary to the comfort of a 
small family ; so we were furnished with all we could desire, 
without having spent one farthing upon it from our own very 
small purse. The liberality shown to us did not stop there, 
for every market day meat, poultry, and grain poured upon 
us in such abundance, that during the six or eight months we 
lived there, I only bought one bushel of wheat ; and we had 
two bushels left when we removed. All this was done in the 
true spirit of Christian charity ; we never knew from whom 
any of these things came. 

Our good cheer costing us little or nothing, we were glad 
to share it with our fellow Refugees, who did not meet with 



134 MEMOIKS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

the samft generous kindness. Many of them, too, had a dis 
taste for English cookery, and they liked exceedingly to par- 
take of ray soup and bread. They came to assist in the cook 
ing first, and then in eating the food. 

This mode of living might be very agreeable to some per- 
sons, but it did not suit my wife or me. Each gift reminded 
us of our painful dependence ; and we looked eagerly 
around, hoping to discover some mode by which we could 
maintain ourselves without charity. 

I had occasion to go to Bridgewater, on some business 
connected with the second cargo that was sent to France ; 
and while I was there, Mr. Hoare, an alderman of the bo- 
rough, and a very upright, worthy man, introduced me to Sir 
Halsewell Tynte, who lived about two miles froniBridgewater, 
which led to my making an arrangement to live in his family, 
and render certain services, for which I was to receive £20 
per annum ; and as I was to live at his table, I thought the 
sum would be sufl5cient for the support of my wife. It was 
on the 18th September, that I went to live at a distance 
from her, in the hope of supporting her independently, but I 
found the separation so grievous, that I determined to fetch 
her to Bridgewater, where I took a small house. Early in the 
year 1687 I went for her, and brought also my sister-in-law, 
Elizabeth Boursiquot, who had fled from France with us, and 
our infant son, who had been born during my absence, and 
been baptized by Mr. Mausy, the French minister, and pre- 
sented for that sacrament by Mr. Fraine, Mr. Juliot, and his 
aunt Elizabeth. 

Even after I had brought your mother so near to me that 
I could visit her frequently, I found it a great trial not to bo 
with her constantly, and she also felt the privation so painfully, 



ASSISTANCE FKOM COMMITTEE. 135 

ihat I determined to give up my employment and return to 
her. I preferred the coarsest food with her for my companion 
to the continual feasts of which I partook at Sir Halsewell's. 

Poverty stared us in the face, and exertion of some kind 
was absolutely necessary. We tried to keep a small shop in 
Bridgewater, but our efforts were not crowned with success. 

You may be surprised that in my difficulties I received no 
assistance from the fund, collected for distribution among the 
suffering French Refugees, so I will tell you how it happened. 
I must begin the story at a period dating about the time of 
my arrival in England. As soon as my friends in London 
heard of my being in the country, they bi'ought my case, un- 
known to me, before the committee for dispensing the fund. 
Mr. Maureau, my advocate at Saintes, drew such a picture of 
my zeal and constancy that there was no opposition made to 
placing my name on the list of ministers, although I was only 
a candidate, and I was to receive £30 per annum. The first I 
knew of what was done was by the receipt of a letter from 
Mr. Maureau. congratulating me on my escape, and enclosing 
to me the sum of £7 10s. as the first quarter of a pension that 
the committee had granted me. He further requested me to 
send him a certificate of my having received the Communion 
according to the rites of the Church of England, which it 
would be necessary to produce to the committee before I could 
receive the second quarter. 

I, who had but just escaped from the Tempter, felt alarmed 
at this mode of entitling myself to receive charity. Before 
this communication reached me I had communed most cor- 
dially with the English, after the manner of the Established 
Church, without the least scruple of conscience, but when it 
became the condition upon which I was to receive the chari- 



J 36 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

ties of the Kingdom, the case was altered. I looked upon 
the Communion as one of the most sacred mysteries of our 
holy religion, one which it was unlawful to approach with any 
other view than to receive thereby the benefits of the sacrifice of 
the death of Christ. When I saw it imposed upon me to 
gain pecuniary advantages, I doubted very much whether any 
spiritual benefit could be derived from a communion received 
for the express purpose of procuring a pension. It seemed 
io me a very papistical sort of proceeding, much like what I 
had seen in France, " Come to mass and you shall be exempt- 
ed from dragoons." 

I had hitherto found nothing whatever to offend me in 
the service of the Church of England. I then studied it very 
carefully, and I heartily embraced all its doctrines as set forth 
in the thirty-nine articles ; but the Church Government, espe- 
cially the point so much insisted upon of Episcopacy by divine 
right, seemed to me to bear too strong a resemblance to Popery. 

I might have gotten over these objections, perhaps, if I 
had not learnt their cruel persecution of their brother Protest- 
ants, the Calvinists, only for differing on the subject of Epis- 
copacy,* and some ceremonies which were, in themselves, of 
no great importance. I found that the poor Presbyterians 
had been imprisoned, fined, and deprived of their employments, 
because they would not consent to receive Episcopal ordina- 
tion, in conformity with the laws passed in the reign of Charles 
II., and furthermore, I was told by the Presbyterians, that 
the unfortunate people who had been executed after the Duke 



* It is not surprising that a foreigner should confound the conscientious 
members of the Church of England with the disguised Papists who were so 
numerous in the days of Charles II. and James II., by whom the Calviriisti: 
we'e persecuted. 



APPLICATION FOR RELIEF. 137 

of Moninoutli's rebellion, a few days before our arrival, and 
whose heads and quarters I saw exposed on all the tOTcrs, 
gates and cross-roads, looking absolutely like butchers' sham- 
bles, had many of them been guilty of no crime but that of 
being Presbyterians.* 

I confess that all these circumstances combined to give 
me a prejudice against the Established Church, and the use. 
which it was proposed to me to make of the Holy Sacrament, 
went so much against my conscience, that I have never yet 
sent the certificate to qualify me for receiving the second quar- 
ter of my pension. 

The committee, appointed for distributing the money, 
were guilty of a flagrant error in my judgment. The money 
placed under their control arose from the voluntary contribu- 
tions of the whole English nation, and I honestly believe, that 
the Nonconformists had been as liberal as the Episcopalians, 
and yet from this fund no relief was given to any one who 
did not hand in a certificate of his being a member of the 
Church of England, and surely this was unjust. 

I was at one time so ground down by poverty, and my 
spirit was so humbled, that I actually made a journey to 
London for the purpose of making personal application to 
this committee. My friends told me that the best plan would 
be for me to call upon certain Deans and other high dignitaries, 
the most influential members of the committee. I followed 
their advice, but my garments were old and shabby, and T 
found it very difliicult to obtain an entrance at any of the 
great houses. The usual ordeal through which I passed was 

* This has evidently been a i)arty statement, and according to history 
must have been untrue, for Monmouth's rebellion was an etfort to subvert 
.ho goverumcnt, without religious object. 



138 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

that the foutxnan wlio opened the door would leave me to wait a 
lor.g time in the hall, as though I were a common beggar, and, 
at last, return to tell me that his Reverence was not at leisure 
to speak to me. I called again and again, until the servant 
was so weary of opening the door, that to avoid further im- 
portunity, he would obtain for me the desired audience. He 
would accompany me through divers richly furnished apart- 
ments, watching me the while to see that I did not steal any 
of the plate, piled up on the sideboards, and finally usher me 
into the private apartment where the Dean was sitting. He 
would inquire my business without so much as ofi"ering the 
poor beggar a seat. In as few words as possible. I would tell 
him of my situation and sufferings, and be proceeding to open 
my papers that he might judge for himself I was stopped 
at once, '• No, no, I have no time to read any testimonials, 
fold them up again. I shall hear all about it when your case 
comes before the committee." 

The urgent necessities of those who were dearer to me 
than life itself, had so subdued my pride, that I made, not one 
or two only, but a round of such visits as these. It was all to 
no purpose, the money was for Episcopalians only. 

My friend, Mr. Maureau, held the office of Secretary to 
the Committee ; he took up my cause with much warmth, and 
said, '• You will not, I trust, suffer so worthy a man to be re- 
duced to extreme want, without affording him any assistance ; 
a man who has shown that he counted his life as nothing 
when the glory of God was in question, and who voluntarily 
and generously exposed himself to uphold the faith of a num- 
ber of poor country people. Perhaps there are not four minis- 
ters who have received the charity of the committee, who have 
done so much for the cause of true religion as he has done." 



UNKINI'NTrcS. 139 

He could say nothing that would help my cause with this 
committee, so long as the fact remained without contiadiotion, 
that I was a Presbyterian. 

Some of them said, " He is a young man, let him get a fciL- 
uation as a servant ; his wife can do the same ; and they ruay 
send their two children to us, and we will have them taken 
care of in the house we have provided for the purpose." 

After the meeting, I was directed to go to the Grand 
Almoner, to receive the answer, which was couched in much 
the same language as that given above. My eyes filled with 
tears, and I felt so indignant that I spoke hastily, and said • 
" You ought to follow the directions in the New Testament, 
and put yourself in my place, before giving such cruel advice." 
His wife was present at the time, and turning to her, I said : 
" Madam, I pity you most sincerely, for being united to a man 
who can speak with so much indifference of the separation of 
husband and wife." I knew that they had no children, and I 
went on : "I adore the wisdom of God, who has not thought fit 
to bestow the blessing of children upon one, who feels it so tri- 
fling a matter for a parent to part with them. Before I would 
place mine under your guardianship, or give up the spouse 
whom I consider as one of the choicest blessings God has be- 
stowed upon me, I would dig the ground all day as a common 
laborer, in order to share with my wife and children, at night, 
the bread I had earned by the sweat of my brow." 

The committee bestowed upon me the sum of three pounds, 
which I was told was all that I should ever receive from that 
source. I returned home very much cast down by the ncsult 
of my humiliating application, for I had expended between 
seven and eight pounds upon travelling and its necessarj 
iccompaniments. 



1-iO MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

Some charitable Presbyterians heard of ray distress, and 
of the refusal of any aid from the fund collected for the relief 
of suflFering French Protestant Refugees, and they kindly vol- 
unteered to make a collection for me in their congregation, 
which was a most seasonable help in my need. 

You may suppose my feelings were still more soured 
towards Episcopalians by their treatment of me. I now real- 
ized, by bitter experience, that opposition and unkindness, for 
difference of opinion, have a much greater tendency to widen 
the breach than to bring opponents to one way of thinking. 

At a time when I was greatly in want of money, I found 
by accident, among my papers which I had brought from 
France, half a sheet of stamped paper, entirely blank. It 
occurred to me instantly, that it might be the means of recov- 
ering for me something, from the sale of the property I had 
left in France. My cousin, Peter Robin, had acted the part 
of a faithful agent in his management of the cargo of wheat 
which Mr. Downe and I had consigned to him, and he was 
therefore the person whom I fixed upon to act for me now. I 
signed my name at the foot of the sheet, and sent it to him. 
I told him I wished him to make use of it, so as to obtain 
money for me for the sale or lease of my estate. I desired 
nim to take care that he affixed, to the deed he executed, a 
date previous to that of my leaving France. The latter pre- 
caution was necessary to prevent the King seizing the prop- 
erty. I never had a word from him in reply ; but I have 
reason to know that he, the said Peter Robin, went to live at 
my house after he received my letter, and from that day he 
considered it was his own. He took advantage of the confi- 
dence I placed in him when I put my name to the stamped 
paper and sent it to him. He has cheated me and my heirs 



MORAL REFLECTION. 141 

after me, for no claim could now be made, because he would 
at once defeat it, by producing a deed of sale, signed by ray 
own hand. 

I would have you look upon the moral furnished by this 
proceeding. I was miserable enough to desire that he should 
execute a false deed for me, in order that I might obtain 
something from the property I had left in France. He did 
execute the false deed, in the way I had pointed out, but he 
did it for his own advantage, not for mine ! I recognise in 
this, as in all other things, the justice and the mercy of the 
just Judge of the universe. I was punished, as I deserved to 
be ; God directs all things for the good of those who love him, 
and who serve him with faith and humility, and mingles mer- 
cies with the punishment of his children ; and in this case, I 
idiink I see plainly the great benefit to my family that he 
\io£ extracted from my sin. It has removed all temptation 
out of the way of my descendants, that might have seduced 
them into returning to the Babylon whence he had withdrawn 
me, in the hope of recovering my estate. The children of 
some Huguenot Refugees, unworthy of their parents, have re- 
turned to France from similar inducements. My children can 
never do so ; the property is irrecoverably lost. When I re- 
joice that the temptation is removed, you are not to suppose 
that I imagine any of my children would ever have been se- 
duced into returning to idolatry for the sake of money. I 
think better things of you ; and I have a strong confidence 
that you also will so instruct your children, that the love of 
God and of his trsc religion may be perpetuated in our family 
to the remotest generation. 



CHAPTER XT. 



kemove to Taunton —Receive Ordination — Keep a Shop — Manufactory — Proepority- 
BrnnmoDed before the Mayor — Defence — Speech of Eecoraer — Discharge. 



I WENT over to Taunton, to look about me, for any prospect 
of improving my circumstances, and I was so far successful 
that I obtained a few pupils to instruct in the French lan- 
guage. At first I went there only for the day, three times a 
week, to give lessons, but after a while, I decided that it 
would be the most advantageous plan to remove my family 
there entirely, and keep a shop as we had done in Bridgewater, 
and I hoped that the addition of the profits, from teaching, to 
those from the shop, would maintain us all. 

I had been in the habit not only of having family worship, 
but of preaching to the circle of relatives who clustered around 
us. When I removed to Taunton, three or four French fami- 
lies wished to join us, and so form a small congregation. I 
then thought that I ought to receive that authority from man 
which I had already received from God. 

I was aware that the Episcopalians possessed all the 
Church Benefices, and filled all the ofiices of trust throughout 
iho kingdom, but I was not dazzled by their splendor. I pre- 
ferred the simplicity of Divine worship, to which I had been 
accustomed from my childhood, to the grandeur and wealth 
of the Episcopalians. 



ORDINATION. 143 

Some of the Presbyterians, with whom I had become ac- 
quainted, actually hated the Episcopalians, and they m-vle mc 
believe that the Church of England was a kind of Romcn.'.ri, 
T held in abhorrence all the practices of the Papists, so I de- 
termined to have nothing to do with the skin of the berst, 
even though the beast itself had been rejected. I was at- 
tached to the leaves of the tree of life as well as to the trunk, 
branches and fruit ; and in my exile I determined to join my- 
self to that company of believers, who most nearly resembled 
those with whom I had suffered in my own country. I re- 
solved rather to labor with my hands while I preached the 
pure doctrines of the Gospel, and admitted only the simplest 
ceremonies, than to wound my conscience by entering the 
Church which was upheld by the State. 

I presented myself before the Protestant Synod assembled 
at Taunton. I produced the testimonials of my education, 
manner of life and sufferings, which I had brought with me 
from France. I then underwent an examination, and received 
Holy Orders from their hands on the 10th June, 1688, hav- 
ing an earnest desire to exercise the functions with all the 
Christian humility, zeal and affection of which I was capable. 

After leaving Barnstaple I was never again so poor as to re- 
quire charity. Mr. Travernier of Plymouth sent his son to be 
under my care for two years, and he lent me £100, without in- 
terest, for that length of time. I found the wholesale dealers 
in Bristol and Exeter very accommodating to me in granting 
credit. I paid for the goods as fast as I sold them, and I was 
then allowed to take a fresh supply on credit. In this way we 
gradually increased in our dealings until we had a stock of 
one thing or other to the amount of £400. 

When I lived in Bridgewater two Frenchmen had applied 



144 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

to me for astnstance, which I could not furnisii myself, but 1 
had obtained it from others, and when I gave them the money 
I said, " If you will follow my advice, and learn a trade at 
once, you will never be obliged to ask for charity again, but 
will become independent. There are in Bristol French manu- 
facturers of light stuffs, to whom I would recommend you to 
bind yourselves." They followed my advice, and soon after I 
had established myself at Taunton, they called on me for the 
express purpose of returning their thanks. I did not recog- 
nise them in the least ; the rags and tatters in which they had 
formerly appeared had given place to decent and respectable 
clothing. They were obliged to tell me that they were the per- 
sons whom I had formerly assisted, and recommended to learn 
a trade, and that they had done so, and now, all they wanted, 
was a small advance of money from some one, and they would 
work for half the profits. They urged me to undertake it, 
and they said £20 would be amply sufficient to buy worsted, 
yarn and dyes, and that they themselves had wherewithal to 
buy tools. They said if I would make the necessary purchases 
for them they would work two years for me, and be contented 
with half the profit on the work. T consented to it, and as I was 
unwilling to cramp the business of the shop by taking money 
from it, I borrowed the £20 from Mrs. White, a widow, who 
dealt in tobacco, at Bridgewater. 

Behold me now, not only a French tcicher and a shop- 
keeper, but a manufacturer also. The sea had been too cruel 
lor me to think of being a merchant again. 

One of these Frenchmen whom I took, as it were, into 
partnership with me, had formerly been a pickpocket in Lon- 
don, and had only given up the employment from fear of the 
consequences. He was a very skilful workman, he would 



PROSPERITY. 145 

accomplish more in a given time than any two otheus, and his 
work was always weH finished. I knew nothing of his former 
habits of life, and he commended himself so much to me by 
his cleverness, that I made him the chief manager, and I used 
to send him to Exeter to make the purchases, and he was as 
skilful in making bargains as in working. I frequently trusted 
him with as much as £20 or £25 at once, for this purpose, and 
he was uniformly honest and correct in all his dealings with 
me. He told one of his fellow workmen that he often had 
been strongly tempted to run away with the money, and then he 
would say to himself, " What ! steal from a man who has been 
so invariably kind to me ! and who places such perfect confi- 
dence in me ! No; I cannot do it." 

When he left me, I have understood that he returned to 
London, met with his old associates and fell infro bad habita 
again. 

At the end of three months I knew much more than the 
workmen did. I invented new patterns for the stuff's, which 
I showed them how to execute. The employment proved pro- 
fitable, and I had insensibly put more and more capital into 
it, until at the end of a year I had £80 embarked in the ma- 
nufactory, in place of the original £20 which was the estimate 
of the men. They quarrelled amongst themselves about the 
division of their share of the profits, and finally came t» me 
to propose that I should pay them fixed wages, and carry on 
the business altogether on my own account. 

Every thing now seemed to prosper with me. I hired the 
handsomest shop in Taunton, opposite the cross in the Market 
Place. I was able to furnish it with so great a variety that 
it was always full of customers. My wife was kept very 
busy, though she had two boys, Travernier and Garache, to 
7 



146 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

help her. I manufactured stuffs in the upper part of the 
house which she sold, at a profit, in the lower part. I went to 
Bristol and Exeter, once a quarter, to lay in a fresh supply of 
groceries and pay off th-e old debt. I procured direct from Hol- 
land linens of various qualities, galloons, thread, needles, and 
tin and copper ware, manufactured there by French refuorees. 
These articles cost me muct less than if I had bought them 
in England. I was supplied with beaver hats from Exeter, 
where they were made by Frenchmen, who fu nished them to 
no one in Taunton but myself I sold French brandy, pure 
and unadulterated, whereas the Englishmen generally played 
tricks with theirs. I drew custom by selling Malaga and 
Alicant raisins, at the price retail that I paid for them by 
wholesale. I sold needles on the same terms. Every one 
knew the value of these articles, and the sale of them did not 
amount to any groat sum. One would say to another, " You 
can buy beautiful raisins from the Frenchman at such a price," 
and then they would come to see for themselves, buy some 
raisins, and probably ten or twelve shillings worth of other 
articles, upon which we made a profit, so we found our account 
in selling cheap raisins. 

The other shopkeepers were very angry, and said I should 
most certainly be bankrupt soon, for I sold the raisins at the 
same price they paid in Bristol, without reckoning the cost of 
transportation and loss of weight. Their mode of talking 
about me only increased my sales, for the people came to get 
all they wanted before I was ruined. When my friends asked 
me privately why I sold so cheap, I told them that I found it to 
answer very well, and I repeated the common proverb, " Light 
gains make a heavy purse." 

Stranger, as I was, I had more custom than any other shop 



SUMMONSED BEFOKE THE MAYoK. 147 

in the town. My competitors looked on patiently, expecting 
that it could not last much longer, and their day would come 
when I had to put the key under the door. Instead of that, I 
became only more prosperous. I appeared to succeed in every 
thing I undertook. 

I had just begun to breathe freely, after all my trials, and 
to feel myself comfortable, when a prosecution was commenced, 
and I was summoned to appear before the Mayor and Court 
of Aldermen. 

The Mayor was a wool-comber, who came to the town ori- 
ginally possessed of one single groat. He worked a long 
time as a boy comber ; he then married one of his master's 
servants, scraped together a little money, and began business 
on his own account. At the age of thirty-six or thirty-seven 
years he learnt to read, and to write a little. In course of 
time he accumulated as much as £7000 or £8000, and thereby 
obtained the honors of the town, for this was the third time 
he had filled the office of Mayor. 

The Aldermen were generally persons of the same class, 
men who had risen in the world, but who had received very 
little education. Some were woollen manufacturers, others were 
shopkeepers, and they all seemed to think that I had inter- 
fered with them, so they could scarcely be impartial judges 
in the case. I certainly had entered into competition with 
most of them, for I employed men to work for me in my little 
manufactory, and I sold in my shop most of the articles which 
they dealt in. 

There was but one man in all this body, who had received 
a good education — the Recorder. He had consequently great 
influence over the others, and could sovern the cohort verv 
much as he pleased. I had every reason to believe that ho 



148 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

regarded me with esteem, for I had frequently leeu iu his 
company, and had had many interesting conversations with 
him upon philosophical and theological subjects. 

When I appeared in answer to the summons I had re 
ceived, I found the accusations were of a very multifarious 
character. They said I was a sharper, a Jack-of-all-trades 
The manufacturers complained that I had the wool combed. 
I dyed it myself, had it spun and woven in my own house, 
and then I retailed it myself in my shop. The grocers 
brought forward their grievance, which was that I sold a bet- 
ter article retail than they could buy wholesale at the same 
price ; and that I sold all sorts of things except apathecaries' 
drugs. The dealers in tin and copper ware said I injured 
their trade so much, that they would have to give up, and go 
to the parish, if I did not soon shut up my shop. Those who 
dealt in brandy and vinegar, complained that they were left 
to sit quietly with their arms crossed all day long, while cus- 
tomers thronged my shop, so that the liquor could hardly be 
measured out as rapidly as it was imjuired for. The hatters 
said their trade was broken up by the French beaver hats of 
various kinds, which I furnished at a lower price than it cost 
them to import them from France. The hosiers felt them- 
selves injured by the stockings of St. Maixant, which I sold. 
The drapers were neglected by their old customers since I 
had introduced chamois leather, dyed of all colors, for mak- 
ing breeches — one pair of which outlasted three of cloth, and 
looked better. Added to all this, the stranger, who was 
pocketing the profits they thought they ought to have, was 
not liable to assessment for government taxes and town rates, 
as they were. He was also, they said, a Jesuit in disguise, 
who said mass in his own house every Sunday. One 



DEFENCE. 14S 

word would describe him as well as a thousand ; he was a 
Freuch dog, taking the bread out of the mouths of the 
English. 

Any one who had heard their accusation, would have sup- 
posed I was as rich as a Jew. I attended, to make my own 
defence, without the assistance of an attorney, and I had no 
fear for the result. 

Mr. Mayor came to the point at once, and said to me, 
" Have you served an apprenticeship to all these trades ?" 

This question was quite to the purpose ; for by kiw no 
man can carry on a trade to which he has not served an ap- 
prenticeship. 

I rose without embarrassment to reply, and spoke in a 
tone loud enough to be heard throughout the court : " Gen- 
tlemen, in France a man is esteemed according to his qualifi- 
cations ; and men of letters and study are especially honored 
by every body, if they conduct themselves with propriety, 
even though they should not be worth a penny. All the no- 
bility of the land, the lords, the marquises, and dukes take 
pleasure in the society of such persons. In fact, there, a man 
is thought fit for any honorable employment, if he be but 
learned ; therefore, my father, who was a worthy minister of 
the Gospel, brought up four boys, of whom I was the young- 
est, in good manners and the liberal arts, hoping that wher- 
ever fortune might transport us, our education would serve 
instead of riches, and gain us honor among persons of honor. 
All the apprenticeship I have ever served, from the age of 
four years, has been to turn over the leaves of a book. I 
took the degree of Master of Arts at the age of twenty-two, 
a.nd then devoted myself to the study of the Holy Scriptures. 
Hitherto, I had been thought worthy of tho best company 



150 MEMOIliS OF A ]IUGUENOT FAMILY. 

wherever I had been ; but when I came to this town, I found 
that science without riches, was regarded as a cloud without 
water, or a tree without fruit ; in a word, a thing worthy ol' 
supreme contempt ; so much so, that if a poor ignorant wool- 
cumber, or a hawker, amassed money, he was honored by all, 
and looked up to as the first in the place. I have, therefore, 
gentlemen, renounced all speculative science ; I have become 
a wool-comber, a dealer in pins and laces, hoping that I may 
one day attain wealth, and be also one of the first men in 
the town." 

When I ceased speaking, there was a general laugh 
throughout the assembly. The Mayor and some few of the 
Aldermen were exceptions. The Recorder himself lost his 
gravity for a few moments, and joined in the mirth. He re- 
covered himself presently, and rose with a dignity that re- 
minded me of the Town Clerk of Ephesus ; there was a pro- 
found silence as soon as he stretched out his hand. 

" Gentlemen," said he, " King Charles II., of blessed 
memory, issued a declaration, of such a date, whereby he in- 
vited the poor Protestants who were persecuted in France- for 
the cause of the Gospel, to take refuge in this kingdom, not, 
most assuredly, with the intention of suflFering them to die of 
hunger, but rather that they might live in comfort amongst 
his subjects. Thus you see they are fully entitled to every 
privilege that we enjoy. Suppose Mr. Fontaine and his 
family had not the means of gaining a livelihood, and they 
were famishing in the midst of us, we should in that case be 
obliged to feed them. By law, the parish would be burdened 
with their maintenance ; for you know you could not send him 
to his birth-place, therefore you must treat him as if he hii.' 
been born in the place where he resides. 



kecordee's speech. 151 

'• Although Mr. Fontaine was brought up to nothing but 
study, yet in the desire he has to live independently, without 
being burdensome to any one, he humbles himself so far as 
to become a mechanic, a thing very rarely seen among learned 
men, such as I know him to be from my own conversations 
with him. Do not you think our parish is obliged' to him foi 
every morsel of bread he earns for his family ? It would be 
perfect barbarity to pretend to put any obstacle in the way of 
his earning a livelihood. Are you, his accusers, disposed to 
raise a fund, and settle an annuity upon him and his family 
for life? Strangers are as much entitled to justice at our 
hands as our neighbors are. I will answer for Mr. Fontaine, 
that if you will secure to him a moderate income, he will 
leave mechanical occupations, and gladly return to intellec- 
tual labor." 

He paused awhile and looked around the Court-room, but 
no one broke the silence, so he resumed : — •• Is nobody dis- 
posed to come forward ? It is a strange thing, gentlemen, 
you are not willing to let him earn his own bread, and yet 
none of you offer to give it to him. Shall it be said of us, 
that there are only one or two families of poor Refugees set- 
tled in our town, who have abandoned country, friends, pro- 
perty, and every thing sweet and agreeable in this life for their 
religion and the glory of the Gospel, and instead of cherish- 
ing these people, and treating them as the suffering members 
of our Saviour Jesus Christ, and providing fur them tenderly 
and abundantly by our charities, we would even hinder them 
from gaining a living by their labor I There is not a Turk 
in Turkey so barbarous.'' 

He then turned around and addressed himself to me. 
'■ You may go away, there is no law that can disturb you, I 



152 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

will answer for it. We return you our thanks for the bread 
you earn. God bless you and your labor !" 

I said, " May the Lord bless you also !" 

The Court resounded with thousands " God bless you, Mr. 
Fontaine !" 

This was the end of the law proceedings, but not of the 
malicious feeling that had caused the prosecution. The 
Mayor and his party hated me all the more for having con- 
temned them in the face of the whole town. They continued 
to annoy me in every possible way. They exaggerated my 
profits very much, they magnified them to guineas when my 
gain was but in pennies, and consequently I was taxed to 
the utmost. 



CHAPTER XII. 



Revolution of 16SS— Landing of the Butch — Unexpected visitor — Soldiers billeted on 
me — Retirement from business — C'alinianco — Profitable manufacture — Crip)Med 
Weaver — Secret discovered — Visit Dublin and Cork— Send sons to Holland — In- 
crease of family. 



A SHORT time after the prosecution related in the last chap- 
ter the glorious Revolution of 1 688 commenced. I felt very 
anxious about the effect it might have upon the welfare of 
me and mine. I had a vivid recollection of the end of the 
Monmouth rebellion, for they were still busy hanging and 
quartering when I landed in England. 

The Prince of Orange marched with his army to Exeter, 
where he was welcomed by the same party that had declared 
for Monmouth. Three sorry-looking Dutchmen were sent to 
Taunton, and they were suffered to take possession of the 
place without the slightest show of resistance from any quar- 
ter. The common people hailed their arrival as a joyous 
event. 

The Mayor and Aldermen were most decided Jacobites ; 
they stood aloof to watch the course of events, and contented 
themselves, meanwhile, with noting down the names of all 
persons who appeared to favor the Dutch, in the expectation 
of having them hanged after a while, as those had been who 
joined the Duke of Monmouth. I felt very certain that which- 
7* 



154 MEMOraS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

ever side I might espouse, my name would have a prominent 
place in the list of culprits, and I was the more convinced 
of this from the story that was told about me. 

On the arrival of a company of soldiers at Taunton, they 
were informed that there was a French Jesuit in the place 
who said Mass in his house every Sunday. It happened for- 
tunately for me, that the Captain of this company was a 
French Protestant, who had taken refuge in Holland, and en- 
tered the army of the Prince of Orange. He was pleased 
with the idea of attacking a French Jesuit, and was deter- 
mined to be the first to seize him, so he obtained a direction 
to his abode, and was posted opposite to the door of my house 
with a guard of soldiers, before any of the family were stir- 
ring, except a female domestic who was a French woman. The 
Captain asked her who lived in that house. 

She replied, " Mr. Fontaine, a minister from Royan in 
France, lives here." 

The Captain immediately desired her to go up to my 
room and tell me that Captain Rabainieres was below, anx- 
ious to embrace me. I only waited long enough to get on 
my dressing-gown, and went down to welcome a dear friend : 
for you must know, we had been intimately acquainted with 
each other in France^ and our residences were only four or 
five miles apart. We embraced one another with the warmth 
of fraternal affection. I was then introduced to the rest of 
the officers, who were most kind in their offers of friendship. 
I cannot pass on without calling your attention to this fresh 
\nstance of the goodness of God, whose providence watched 
Dver and shielded me from threatened danger. 

The street was crowded with people who had followed the 
soldiers, and some had even forced their way into my house 



SOLDIERS BILLETKD ON MI-:. 155 

after the Captain, k) make sure of being near enough to enjo-v 
the sport of seeing the Jesuit hung. When these witnessed 
the warmth of our salutations, they knew not what to make 
of it, and cried out that they were lost and ruined. " Those," 
said they, " whom we hailed as our liberators must themselves 
be Papists." 

I had never attended the Parish Church in Taunton, 
which led many into the belief that I really was a Jesuit, and 
those who knew better studiously kept up the false impres- 
sion, in order to injure me with the community at large. 

The officers went to the door to disperse the crowd, which 
was not an easy matter, under the disappointment they felt 
at not seeing the Jesuit punished. They told them that their 
Captain knew Mr. Fontaine to be a good Protestant, better 
than they were in all probability. They manifested a bitter- 
ness of feeling that made my friend decide upon leaving a 
few soldiers at my door, as a precautionary measure, in case 
of violence. 

When several more regiments belonging to King William's 
army were quartered in Taunton, you may rest assured I was 
not forgotten in the billeting of them upon the inhabitants. 

I went to complain to the Mayor and Sheriff because two 
soldiers had been billeted upon me, and it was not customary to 
quarter them on a minister. They heard me patiently, but I 
had scarcely reached home before two more soldiers presented 
themselves with a billet for me. 

I complained a second time, and I was answered by an 
assurance, that I should receive full justice, and directly I 
got home, four more came upon me. I made no further com- 
plaint, lest I should draw upon myself sixteen instead of 
eight I had to support thom for throe whole weeks, during 



15(j MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

which time I treated them as well as I could ; and I explained 
my circumstances to them. The times were so ticklish, and 
the town magistrates showed so decided an inclination to put 
difficulties in my way, that I thought I had better examine 
into my affairs, pay my debts, and withdraw from all large 
transactions for the present. I was occupied during the day 
teaching French and Latin, so that I was obliged to steal 
many hours of the night from sleep, to find time to make an 
exact inventory of all that I possessed. I put down every 
thing at a low valuation, and I was pleased to find that there 
was enough to pay all that I owed, and a little to spare. I 
sent some of the stuffs of my own making to the wholesale 
dealers, from whom I had made purchases on credit, and 
I begged they would sell them as opportunity offered, repay 
themselves with the proceeds first, and then return to me any 
balance that should remain. This arrangement was equally 
satisfactory to both parties ; I was able to pay my debts by 
it, and those from whom I had bought on credit, were very 
glad, in these hard times, to find themselves secured against 
possible loss. 

As soon as it became known that I wished to dispose of 
my shop, and stock in trade, a young man came forward to be 
the purchaser, who expected to do wonders ; he had heard 
such exaggerated accounts of the money I had made by the 
business. He took every thing as it stood, paying me the 
actual cost, as appeared from the entries in my books. The 
whole amounted to four hundred pounds, which sum he paid to 
me in cash, and I made use of it at once to pay the wholesale 
dealers ; so that, after the sale of my manufactured stuffs, 
which I had already sent to them, they found themselves in- 
debted to me. 1 requested them to keep the money in their 



BIRTH OF MARY ANNE, 157 

hands for mc at present, in order that I might have it as a 
little leaven, to begin again with renewed vigor, whenever the 
political troubles should be at an end. 

When I looked upon the result of this winding up of nij 
business, I could not but feel very grateful to my Maker for 
the blessing upon my labors, which had enabled me to pay 
every thing T owed, including the debt left after that last dis- 
astrous voyage, which had hung most heavily upon me ever 
since. Though I had not been pressed for payment by those 
who had lent me the money in my extremity, yet I now felt it 
a vast relief to be able to clear it all off, principal and interest. 
After all this, I was sole owner of the tools and utensils re- 
quired in manufacturing the stuffs, I was the proprietor of 
good, comfortable household furniture, and had fourteen 
pounds in cash. Your mother and I had undergone much 
labor and fatigue of body, and considerable anxiety of mind, 
in accomplishing these great things, but it was for the sake of 
our dear children, and what will not parents do for their off- 
spring ! How much better was it for us all thus to struggle 
through difficulties together, than to have weakly followed the 
advice of the committee in London, and given up my children 
to be educated in their Institution ! We always find that God 
assists those who put their trust in Him. 

On the 12th April, 1690, my wife gave birth to a daugh- 
ter, whom she and I presented for baptism the next day ; and 
I baptized her myself, naming her Mary Anne : Mar}', after 
my mother, and Anne, from the second name of my wife. 

For several months I followed only the one employment 
of keeping a school, by which I did not make quite enough id 
maintain my family. I found it, too, a very ungrateful em 
ployment, and I became tired of it. 



158 MEMOm? OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

When James 11. bad taken refuge in France, and William 
and Mary been received as King and Queen of Englanc'., 
tbings began to assume a settled aspect, and I tbougbt I 
might venture to begin some sort of business again. 

There was a sort of stuft", manufactured at Norwich at 
that time, called Calimanco, which was very substantial, 
and also fashionable, and 1 determined upon making the 
attempt to imitate it. I had never, you know, served any 
apprenticeship, so it was all the same to me what 1 undertook 
to make, 1 must call upon the ingenuity of my own brain to 
aid me. I therefore thought it would be better, when I began 
again, to try something new instead of going on in the oil 
beaten track. The stuff called serge, which we had made be- 
fore, was now out of fashion, and those who manufactured it 
scarcely earned salt to their porridge ; but then, they had 
served an apprenticeship to it, and as they worked altogether 
mechanically, and not with the understanding, they were 
really incapable of putting their hands to any thing else. I 
was possessed of a large share of that sort of perseverance 
which some people call obstinacy, and without which I cer- 
tainly could not have overcome the almost insurmountable 
difficulty which met me at the outset. 

The Norwich stuff was made of extremely fine worsted, 
double twisted. Now, there was not in Taunton a spinner 
who could spin so fine, nor a weaver who knew how to weave 
it ; no machinery suitable for the manufacture, nor a person 
who knew how to construct it. I had never seen the ma- 
chinery, but 1 saw that if money was to be gained by manu- 
fecturing, this was the stuff that ought to be produced. As I 
could not get the worsted spun fine enough to allow of re 
twisting and doubling it, 1 must try what could be done wit'^ 
a single thread. 



CALIMANCO. 159 

I engaged a weaver for my experimental^' attempt, who 
was out of employment, and was apparently very docile ; I 
made all the machinery, I put it up with my own hands, and 
spent a couple of hours every day trying to instruct him. 
This went on for three months, altering the threads and ma- 
chinery for new trials about once a fortnight, and still not an 
inch of the desired fabric was produced ; and I was paying 
the weaver his full wages all the time. 

Some little time after this, a young man came to solicit 
charity from me ; he was in extreme distress, absolutely pen- 
niless, and his wife in hourly expectation of her confinement 
He entreated me to give him some employment, and said that 
he would spare no pains to give me satisfaction ; and he was 
sure that I never should see cause to repent of it, for his 
urgent need would be a spur to his assiduity in laboring for 
one who should help him at this pinch. I took him and his 
wife into my house, I fed the two, and soon three of them. I 
fitted up a loom for him, to try what he could do ; and he 
kept his word, for he worked day and night, entering into all 
my plans, and never appearing wearied of making efforts. He 
was very grateful to me for maintaining him and his wife, and 
he tried to give proof of it by faithful industry. He also 
knew, that if he was successful, he would certainly be able to 
earn a comfortable subsistence. He tried seven or eight dif- 
ferent plans during a fortnight, and at the end of it pi-oduced 
one yard of Calimaneo, which looked very well ; but being of 
single thread, it had no moi-e substance than serge. I was 
obliged to set my wits to work once more, to try whether T 
could not discover some mode, by which a substantial fabric 
could be made out of the materials I had at command. I 
contrived it, at last, by the following process : I made the 



160 IVrEMOIKS OF A HUGUENOT FAAni.Y. 

warp, which appeared all on the right side, of fine woo 
coarsely spun ; and the weft, of very coarse wool, combed 
like fine wool, and spun in a thick, compact thread. The 
second piece was begun, upon this new and successful plan, 
just two months after I received the family into my house. 
The one piece of twenty yards, which was all that we had to 
show for our labor, sold for threepence a yard, but we did not 
tell any one how long we had been employed in making it. 

I kept an exact account of all that I had expended in 
these fruitless attempts and the small proceeds resulting from 
the sale of the first piece made my inmate very discreet and 
considerate in his expenses. He never asked me for any 
money that he could possibly do without. 

By degrees he became more expert in the work. He was 
soon able to make half-a-yard a-day, then a yard, and after 
more practice several yards. When the second piece was 
taken out of the frame it appeared really handsome, and was 
as strong and substantial as the Norwich Calimanco ; but 
there was great disappointment when it came home from the 
mill where it had been pressed, it looked no better than a 
coarse coverlet, for it had great strong hairs sticking out in 
all directions. I recollected that when I was at school I had 
often gone to warm myself in a hatter's shop opposite to the 
school, and I used to watch the process of burning ofi" the 
long hairs from the hats with a wisp of straw, so I thought 
that a similar plan might be adopted for remedying the defect 
in my Calimanco. 

A hat can easily be turned round in the hand to apply 
the flame to all sides, not so a long piece of stuff. A machine 
would be required to apply it with certainty and regularity. 
I was too impatient to wait for the production of a machine, 



SUCCESS. 161 

and determined to singe this first piece as well as I could 
by band. I had to call in the aid of my wife and ber sister 
Jane Boursiquot, who laughed so much at my dilemma that 
I almost felt discouraged. I made the stuff damp all over so 
that I might not burn it as well as the hairs, and they held 
it, one on each side, while I passed the blazing wisp of straw 
over it. At last the work was finished, and then I had the 
right to laugh, for. when washed and pressed, it looked really 
beautiful. I sent it to a draper at Exeter, who allowed me 
two shillings and sixpence a yard for it. I found I could 
make it for just half the sum, so I gained an ample reward 
for all my expenditure of time, labor and money. 

My workman improved rapidly, he made it better and 
better every day, and he gained such facility by practice that 
at last be was able to turn out ten or twelve yards in a day. 
I bad hitherto merely supplied him with what was absolutely 
necessary for himself and his wife, but I now promised to pay 
him four pence half-penny for every yard he made in future. 
I also took into my employ again the first weaver who had 
labored so long unsuccessfully, and he too acquired the art 
after a while. 

I now hired a shop for the sale of my Calimanco ; I took 
from my old tradesmen all the articles I wanted, and paid 
them with my own goods. I employed more workmen, and I 
bound each one, under a penalty of £10, not to work for any 
one else, or to teach the art to other workmen. They were 
all willing to make such terms, because they could earn three 
times as much by working for me as by making serge. 

When I had planned a machine to singe off the hairs, I 
employed a different mechanic to make each part, so that not 
one of them knew the use of that which be was making, and 



162 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

when I had got the various parts ready I put the machine to- 
gether myself. It consisted of two large rollers, and the 
piece was wound gently, off the one, and upon the other, and 
fire applied during its passage ; when both sides were singed 
it was washed in the river, then pressed, and it really had 
much the appearance of the true Calimanco ; the strength of 
the coarse worsted gave it substance, and the fineness of the 
warp gave it lustre. I now gave up teaching entirely, and 
confined myself to my manufactory, which proved very great 
slavery, for it was absolutely necessary to keep secret the 
mode by which we removed the coarse hairs, and therefore I 
was obliged to do that part of the work myself. My wife or 
my sister-in-law turned the spit while I roasted the joint. 

I succeeded so well, that in the course of seven or eight 
months I was able to keep from twelve to fifteen looms con- 
stantly going. I had not been long at work before the profit- 
able nature of my new trade became known, and the old-fash- 
ioned manufacturers of serge were envious of it. Their as- 
tonishment at my inventive genius was very great, they almost 
looked upon it as sorcery ; and it was increased by an inci- 
dent which I will relate. I heard accidentally of a poor wea- 
ver who had lost a leg, and in consequence of it, he was, ac- 
cording to the general opinion, incapable of ever working 
again at his trade of weaving serge, because they and their fa- 
thers before them had made use of two feet to work the loom, 
they did not imagine it possible that anybody could weave 
with only one leg. The poor man had been supported by the 
parish for three years. I thought much about his distressed 
condition, and wondered within myself whether it would not 
be possible to devise some plan, whereby he could work at his 
old trade. I made many experiments, and at last I hit upon 



I 



CRIPPLED \VKA\KK. 163 

the right thing : I went without loss of time to see the pooi 
fellow, who liA^ed in the house of his brother. I asked him if 
he would not like to be able to weave once more. 

" Alas !" said he. weeping. - God has been pleased to de- 
prive me of my leg and it is impossible for me to weave." 

His brother wa,s then working in a loom by his side ; I 
turned to him. and asked him to get out of the frame and let 
me make some alterations in the treads. He allowed me to 
do so. and I then detached all the cords from the treads, and 
arranged them differently, and asked the cripple to enter the 
frame. I then showed him how his remaining leg was com- 
petent to all the work, directing him to put his foot first on 
the one tread and then on the other. In the course of an 
hour he made a quarter of a yard of serge, equal in every re- 
spect to the rest of the piece which had been woven by his 
brother who possessed two legs. 

I then explained to him most particularly the manner in 
which he must make the preparation for weaving with one foot, 
so as not to run any risk of getting his work in confusion. I 
then left him in the act of calling upon God for blessings to be 
showered upon me and mine, in return for the benefit I had 
conferred upon him and his family, by enabling him to earn a 
livelihood by his labor. For several days afterwards the 
house was thronged with weavers who went to witness the ex- 
traordinary sight of a man weaving with but one leg. 

The son of the Mayor, before whom I was formerly cited 
to appear, had a great desire to make Calimanco like mine, so 
he bribed one of my workmen to teach him how to do it, 
and guaranteed to him the £10 which he was bound to forfeit 
to me if he worked for any one else. I did not sue him for 
it, I thought the tniuble would be more than it was worth. 



164 MEMOmS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

The young man had not possessed himself of my whole 
secret by his underhand proceeding. The workman made the 
Calimanco for him as he had done for me, but he knew nothing 
of the mode by which I got rid of the long hairs that had 
perplexed me at the outset. When several pieces had been 
made and pressed, they proved utterly unsaleable, from the 
hairs upon them ; so I stepped forward and made an offer of 
fifteen pence a yard, which was gladly accepted. I burnt off the 
hairs, and then resold them at two shillings and sixpence a yard. 
The treacherous weaver was now thrown completely out of em- 
ployment. He dared not show himself to me, and as he could 
not produce a profitable article for the man who had tempted 
him to betray my secret, he would not employ him any more, 
for he was not disposed to make stuff merely to sell it in an 
unfinished state to me. The wretched workman went off one 
morning with whatever he could lay hands on belonging to his 
late employer, and among other things, a handsome overcoat 
with very large silver gilt buttons upon it. He went to Lon- 
don, and I have heard he^ became a regular thief, and was 
eventually hanged. 

The attempt to supplant me had proved so unfortunate 
to both master and workman, that a long time was allowed to 
elapse before any further effort of that kind was made. From 
the end of the year 1G90 until the year 1693, I worked in 
peace, and retained for my own benefit the profit of my inven- 
tion. During this interval the demand for serge gradually 
decreased, and trade became so bad that actual want seemed 
to sharpen the faculties of the serge manufacturers, and they 
determined to do their best to imitate my Calimanco. My 
secret was at length discovered by some pieces having inad 
vertently been sent to be pressed without having been suffi- 



SECRET DISCOVERED. 165 

ciently washed in the river first, and the smell of burning dis 
closed the mystery. Then it was recollected how many trusses 
of straw I had been in the habit of buying, and laying the 
twc circumstances together, they could have no longer any 
doubt as to my plan of removing the hairs by fire. After a 
good deal of trouble they got rollers at work like mine, and 
every one left ofi" making serge. 

The coarse worsted had been despised before, and I pur- 
chased it at the rate of a penny half-penny a pound ; the in- 
creased demand raised the price to fourpence a pound. The 
market became overstocked with Calimancos, and the price 
fell to two shillings, then to eighteen pence, and at last to 
fifteen pence a yard. 

I made mine spotted with a different color from the ground, 
and obtained a preference over theirs, but they soon imitated 
me. I then contrived fresh variations in the patterns, and 
made a kind of spotted serge, which sold at three times the 
price of the old-fashioned kind. I spent the whole of the 
year 1694 in this most vexatious occupation ; all the time 
racking my brains to invent something new, and as soon as I 
had succeeded, I had the mortification of finding myself imi- 
tated and undersold. I became weary of the business, and 
seeing that I had now made £1000 in the course of three years, 
I thought I would leave the place and try whether I could not 
find a French Church in want of a minister. I knew that 
there were many French Protestant Refugees in Ireland, so I 
went to Dublin to make inquiries. I was there recommended 
to go to Cork, and I accordingly proceeded thither, and found 
that several French families were settled there, who were 
very desirous to have a minister, but they had hitherto hardly 



1(56 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUEKOT FAMILY. 

dared to make the attempt, because their means would not allow 
them to offer a sufficient stipend. 

God had vouchsafed to bless my labors, and I felt myself 
independent, therefore this opportunity, of preaching the Gos- 
pel without remuneration, was most pleasing to me. and I 
agreed to return to Cork and take charge of the Church, a? 
soon as I could wind up my affairs in Taunton and remove mj 
family. 

I met with two very poor French families in Cork, who 
were almost in a state of starvation from want of employment ; 
they were weavers by trade. My sympathy was much ex- 
cited by their condition, and I was anxious to help them, and 
as the most feasible plan for doing so appeared to me to give 
them work in their own trades, I bought worsted and dyes for 
their use, and deposited £25 with Mr. Abelin, an Elder of 
our Church, and I directed him to expend it in whatever ap- 
p'=. .red requisite to enable them to manufacture such stuffs as 
they had been accustomed to make in France. He kept a 
shop, and I requested he would receive their work and sell it 
for them as fast as it was finished, and out of the proceeds fur- 
nish them with fresh materials, and at the same time keep a 
sort of general supervision over their families until my return. 
He attended to my wishes, and I had the satisfaction of find- 
ing, when I returned to Cork, that they had been comfortably 
supported, out of the profits upon their labor, during my ab- 
sence, and the little capital I had deposited with Mr. Abelin 
was undiminished. 

On jpy return to Taunton we set to work most vigorously 
to prepare for removing to Ireland, and the packing up our 
goods, and closing my manufacturing concerns, occupied about 
six weeks. We took twelve horse loads of furniture and bag 



SEND SONS TO HOLLAND. 167 

gage to Bristol, whence we intended to embark for Ireland. 
I purchased there a variety of drugs for dyeing, and large cop- 
pers for the same purpose, and screws, such as might be re- 
quired for putting up presses, and, in short, every thing that 
I thought would be of use in the manufactory which I pro- 
posed establishing at Cork. I knew that it would be abso- 
lutely necessary for me to do something for the support of my 
family, or I should soon see the end of my thousand pounds, 
as the congregation for whom I was called to officiate were. 
unable to pay me any stipend. 

Before I embarked for Ireland I took my two oldest sons, 
James and Aaron, to London, and sent them thence to Am- 
sterdam to be under the care of a relation settled there. My 
chief reason for this step was to avoid a sweeping catastrophe, 
like that which cut oflF the whole family of my brother-in- 
law Sautreau. which I have already mentioned. By separat- 
ing my family I hoped that some of them might be spared, 
in case of shipwreck. 

I ought not to take leave of Taunton, without naming 
that, during our residence there, my wife had not been less 
fruitful than my brain ; we were now the parents of six chil- 
dren ; James, Aaron, Mary Anne, Peter, John and Moses. 



CHAPTER XIII. 

ArrlTal at Cork— Pastoral charge— Manufactory— Happiness— Dissension in tlie Church 
—Resignation— Reply— Eemarlvablo Dream— Visit fishiag station— Death of Aaioe, 
—Become Fisliertnan— Removal to Bear Haven— Loss of the Robert- Bad season 
—Trading voyage— Successful fishery— Loss— Irish neighbors. 

We landed in safety at Cork on the 24th December. 1694, 
and the agreement I had already entered into with the con 
gregation was solemnly renewed. You can see the particulars 
in the Act of the Consistory of Cork, dated 19th January, 
1695, on which day I commenced the discharge of my pastoral 
duties. 

At first I preached in Christ Church, the use of it being 
■granted to us after the English had finished the services of 
the day. We then assembled in the County Court-room for 
our worship ; and finally, I gave up, for the use of the Churcli, 
a spacious apartment on the lower floor of my house, which 
we had regularly fitted up for the purpose with pulpit, benches, 
and every thing necessary. 

My manufactory here was altogether different from that 
which I had carried on at Taunton. I considered it most for 
my advantage to make something for which there would be a 
demand near home. The great article of manufacture in 
Cork at that time was a sort of coarse baize, two yards wide. 
I thought I would try to make something better than that, 



MANUFACTORY, 169 

and I soon succeeded in making good broadcloth, for which it 
was only necessary to use finer wool than for baize and to 
weave it more closely and compactly. 

I took a large house, a little out of town, in which I es- 
tablished my manufactory. I gave out the spinning and 
weaving. I put up a hot-press and a cold-press in my house, 
and the latter was so contrived as to compress the bales of 
goods. I had all the tools and machinery required for teas- 
ing and dressing the cloth, and for combing and carding the 
wool. I built my dye-house near the river for the conveni- 
ence of pumping up the water. A dyer in the city applied 
to me for permission to make use of my apparatus, which I 
granted on condition that he should dye all my worsted and 
cloth without charge, and make me a certain allowance out 
of his profits in dyeing for other people, and I well remember 
that in fifteen months he gained enough to pay me nearly 
£50 for my share. My knowledge and experience were of 
great service to him, because I had always written down the 
exact proportion of each drug that we used at Taunton, and 
attached to the memorandum a pattern of the article dyed. 
When he received any order he invariably came to consult 
with me, and by referring to my books and comparing his 
pattern with those I had preserved. I was able to tell him at 
once the exact quantity he would require of each drug, and 
my instruction never failed to prove correct. 

I was now at the height of my ambition. I was beloved by 
my flock, to whom I preached gratuitously, and thereby had 
the heartfelt satisfaction of serving the God who had blessed 
me without deriving any pecuniary advantage from it. My 
dear wife gained from our manufactory an ample support for 
the family. We were able to furnish a number of French 
8 



] 70 MEMOIRS OF A iroGUENOT FAMILY. 

Refugees with employment, by which they earned enough tc 
maintain their families respectably. The Church increased 
daily : Refugees' came from various parts to settle in Cork 
when they heard that a French Church was established there. 
After a while those members of the congregation who were 
in easy circumstances became ashamed of allowing me to 
preach without compensation, and they proposed to raise some- 
thing by voluntary contribution, if it were only to show that 
they were grateful for my services. When it came to my 
knowledge, I thanked them much for their kind intentions ; 
but I told them that as they could not possibly raise enough 
to support my family without exertion on my part, I would 
greatly prefer that whatever sum they were able to collect 
should be appropriated to the relief of the poor, of whom 
there were many in the congregation. T said that it was a very 
great pleasure to me to imitate St. Paul, preaching the Gospel 
and at the same time earning my living by the labor of my 
hands. They were well satisfied with the view I took, for 
they could not raise more than £10, or at the very utmost 
£15, which would have been a mere trifle towards the support 
of my large family. 

On the 16th September, 1697, my wife gave birth to an- 
other boy, whom we presented to the Holy Sacrament of Bap- 
tism, and I baptized him myself, after our service was over, 
on the 1 9th of the same month. We gave him the name of 
Francis. I was the godfather, for I had a great dislike to 
make people solemnly promise that which they had no inten- 
tion of performing. On the day of his baptism I made a 
great supper, as though I intended to feast the wealthiest of 
the French Refugees in Cork, but instead of that I invited 
about a dozen of the poor of my flock, and after they had 



i 



ISAAC DE LA CKOIX. 1T> 

eaten and drank abundantly of the best, I gave each one a 
shilling to take home. 

I ha-ve already said that the French had received me 
with much kindness, and I may say the same of the people 
generally. The Corporation of Cork, as a mark of their es- 
teem, presented me with the freedom of the City.* 

This state of things was altogether too good to last ; 
my cup of happiness was now full to overflowing, and like 
all the enjoyments of this world, it proved very transitory. 

Great numbers of zealous, piour^, and upright persons had 
joined our communion ; but it could not be expected that all 
should be of this class. Unfortunately, there were some in 
the flock whose conduct was not regulated by the principles of 
our holy religion. 

A man named Isaac de la Croix, originally a merchant in 
Calais, had caused dissension in the Church there before its 
condemnation, and had then settled in Dover, where he also 
made dissension in the Church. It must have been to punish 
us for our sins, that he came from there to join our Church, 
and he had not been with us more than eighteen months, 
when he was the occasion of discord amongst us also. The 
history of it is as follows : he had a son of about twenty-five 
years of age, who was in the habit of doing business on his 
own account. This young man chartered a vessel of about 
thirty tons, for Ostend, which he loaded with butter and tallow, 
promising payment in ready money. On a certain Saturday 
afternoon, he weighed anchor and dropped down to Cove, 

* It is a remarkable coincidence that my fatlier, James Mauiy, the 
srreat-grunuson of James Fontaine, was also settled in a foreign land, and 
was so highly esteemed by the comniunity amongst whom he lived, that the 
Torporation of Livei-pool did by him, as tliat of Cork by his ancestor, voted 
to him the freedom of the Borough. 



i72 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

at the mouth of the harbor, expecting to sail early in the 
morning, and being Sunday, he hoped to steal away unob- 
served, and get off to sea without paying for his cargo. 
Amongst the tradespeople to whom he had given a written 
promise of payment, was a butcher, who had some doubt of 
the young man's integrity, and therefore took the precaution 
of going to the father to ask him to put his name to his son's 
promissory note. The father refused to do so, saying he had 
nothing whatever to do with the business. He imagined his 
son had by that time placed himself beyond pursuit ; but it 
was not so, for the butcher hired a boat immediately, took 
bailiffs with him, and followed the vessel to Cove, and before 
sunset he put a stop to her sailing, unless the bills were 
paid first. The dishonest intentions of both father and son 
became apparent, and were frustrated. 

I solemnly declare that I had not heard a whisper of the 
transaction when I mounted the pulpit next day. It so hap- 
pened, strangely enough^ that I had been for some weeks en- 
gaged in delivering a series of sermons upon the Ten Com- 
mandments ; and on that day I had arrived at the Eighth 
Commandment, in regular course. In explaining to the best 
of my ability, the various ways in which the command of 
God, " Thou shalt not steal," may be broken by violating the 
spirit of it, I very naturally mentioned the tricks and eva- 
sions sometimes practised in commercial dealings. I pointed 
to acts so similar to the recent fraudulent attempt, that Isaac 
de la Croix was sure I meant it for him ; others cf the con- 
gregation thought so likewise. It was concluded I could not 
have sketched his character so true to the life, without know- 
ing his history. He was extremely displeased, and uttered 



DISSENSION. 173 

:<ost blasphemous oaths as he loft the church, and ended 
with exclaiming, '• Thou shalt pay me for this." 

After the service was concluded, some of the elders of the 
Church came and spoke to me on the subject. I protested to 
them that it was the first I had heard of it, and therefore 
they must ascribe the singular coincidence to the Providence 
of God alone. Mr. de la Croix would never believe it, and 
he continued his threats of vengeance ; and in the end, he 
made his words good, for he was the cause of much anxiety 
and distress to me. 

On Monday morning it was ascertained that father and 
son were alike unable to pay for the cargo. The son ab- 
sconded, and I never heard more of him. The creditors took 
possession of the articles, and each tradesman, as far as possi- 
ble, took back his own property, and the vessel was soon emp- 
tied. The captain was the chief loser, for he had to seek a 
fresh freight. 

Mr. de la Croix kept his promise, and lost no opportunity 
by which he could revenge himself upon me for the injury he 
imagined I had inflicted upon him His plan was to try to 
poison the minds of my flock, and make them dissatisfied 
with me. He began first with persons whom he knew to be 
weak and vain ; he told them they need not expect to rise to 
consideration in the city while they had a Presbyterian 
for their pastor. In this way he made an impression on the 
minds of some who aspired to the office of Mayor or Sheriff; 
they in turn talked over the matter with others, and by de- 
grees a spirit of opposition was infused into the minds of a 
number of my hearers, and they waited upon me to request 
that I would receive ordination from the Bishop. I was not 
at all disposed to accede to their request, on the contrary, I 



174 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMIEY. 

used every argument to prevent them from deserting ut^ .. 
going over to the Established Church. In the course of th : 
discussion I became warm, and in the heat of dispute. I said 
that which I must acknowledge it would have been much bet- 
ter to have left unsaid, even though true. My opponents 
went to the Bishop to make a complaint of me, and they told 
him all that I had said, much that I had not said, and most 
assuredly had not even so much as thought. They effected 
what they wished, and exasperated the Bishop so much against 
me, that he made a formal complaint to Lord Galway, then 
in a high office in Ireland, who was disposed to sacrifice me 
to please the Bishop of Cork. We had a long correspondence 
on the occasion, of which you will find copies amongst my pa- 
pers. Mr. de la Croix declared that I was not a minister at 
all. and he went about in the congregation, and visited 
amongst them from house to house, and told them all, that I 
was not an authorized minister. His misrepresentations were 
so far credited, that I was obliged to write for vouchers to 
the gentlemen of the Walloon Church, in Threadneedle-street, 
London. All this was most distressing to me, and, finally, 
for the peace of the church. I felt it my duty to request the 
Consistory of Cork to receive my resignation. I annex a 
copy of their reply to me. 

(Copy.) 

Mr. Jan.es Fontaine, our Minister, having written to this 
congregation to request to be released from the service of the 
church, for reasons assigned in his letter of 30th May last, 
this congregation, distressed at the prospect of separation, 
and the causes which have led him to request it, deem it 
sxpedieut. nevertheless, to give a reluctant and sorrowful con- 



REPLY. 175 

sent to his desire ; thanking him most humbly for the services 
he has rendered to this church during two years and a half, 
without receiving an}' stipend or equivalent whatever for his 
unceasing exertions. We feel bound to testify, that, though 
he has been obliged to use his own industry for the support 
of his family, yet it has never occasioned him to neglect any 
duty of the Holy Ministry. We have been extremely editied 
by his preaching, which has always been in strict accordance 
with the pure word of God. He has imparted consolation to 
the sick and afflicted, and set a bright example to the flock of 
the most exemplary piety and good conduct. We pray God 
to bless him and his family, and to grant him the consolation of 
exercising elsewhere, with more comfort to himself, those gifts 
which God has given him for the holy ministry to which he 
has been called. 

In testimony whereof we have given to him this present 
certificate at Cork, 5th June, 1698. 

Signed, P. Renue, 

P. Cesteau, 

M. Ardotiin, y Eiders. 

Caillon, 

John Hanneton, 

Thus you see how much injury may be done by one quarrel- 
some, malicious individual in a church. The poor minister is 
under the necessity of sacrificing his own comfort for the peace 
of the Church. I was certain that if I did not resign, a 
schism would be created, and did my best to prevent it. I 
wrote to Lord Galway and told him that if any change should 
l>e made in the mode of worship I had adopted, by the appoint- 
ment of an English clergymen, I should feel myself bound, in 
spite of my resignation, to officiate for that portion of the 



170 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAinLY. 

flock who preferred the French usage. I believe this threat 
was not without its effect in causing Lord Galway to recom- 
mend Mr. Marcomb for my successor, which was most satis- 
factory to me, for he continued to carry on every thing in the 
way I had commenced, and the Church service has ever since 
been conducted in the French mode. 

I sometimes felt regret that I had been so humble as to 
request my discharge, for you will find in the sequel that I 
lost at Bear Haven all the property I had acquired. Never- 
theless God, who only sends afflictions to try our faith, and 
not to bring us to ruin, has, in his infinite wisdom, turned all 
my misf irtuucs, losses and mortifications to my ultimate ad- 
vantage, even in this life, and he has, in a manner almost 
miraculous, provided for all my wants, and enabled me to give 
my children the good education I desired. 

In the month of July, 1698, my property began to dimi- 
nish. A merchant in France who had heard that I lived in 
Cork, and could be depended on for honesty, consigned a ves- 
sel to my address. I knew nothing whatever of the man, but 
I received from him a very complimentary letter. I was 
simple enough to accept the consignment, and pay the freight 
and duties. The cargo consisted chiefly of salt and red wine 
from the Isle of Re. When the wine came to be tried, it 
was found of such inferior quality that the dealers only 
offered £1 per hogshead for that on which I had paid a duty 
of £3 the hogshead. This vessel was no sooner discharged 
than another followed with similar lading, except that there 
was white wine also. I was obliged to pay the freight, but I 
had gained experience enough by the first cargo not to pay the 
duty. By the representations which were made, part of the 
duty was remitted on the second cargo. After all was sold I 



REMARKABLE DREAM. 177 

was left a loser by the payment of the duty on the first cargo. 
I drew upon the merchant for the deficiency, but he allowed 
the bill to be protested and never paid me the balance. 

Before proceeding, I must relate a very extraordinary 
event. I have already mentioned sending my two older boys, 
James and Aaron, to Amsterdam at the time I left Taunton. 
They remained there two whole years, and when I wished 
them to return, a captain of a vessel, who was named De 
Coudre, was going from Cork to Ostend, and I made an ar- 
rangement with him to bring them back on his return voyage. 
We were quite ignorant of the character of De Coudre, we 
only knew that he had relations living in that part of France 
from which my wife came, but the opportunity seemed most 
favorable for the return of our boys, and we had no reason to 
mistrust the man. I shipped £40 worth of my manufactures 
on board his vessel. I wrote by him and desired the boys to 
join him at Ostend, which they did. The vessel was not to 
come direct to Cork, but to stop first and discharge part of 
the cargo in London. The Captain was instructed to take the 
boys immediately on arrival to my brother Peter, at the Pest 
House. I had a letter announcing their safety at my brother's 
house, where they were to stay until the merchandise was 
discharged and the vessel ready for sea. The night after I 
received this letter I was disturbed by the most distressing 
dream that could be imagined. I saw my poor boys strug- 
gling in the water, without any possibility of receiving help, 
they must inevitably be drowned. I awoke in perfect agony, 
and only closed my eyes to be distressed again by a recur- 
rence of the same dreadful vision. Ln the morning I wrote a 
letter to ray brother ; I told him I had altered my plan, and 
did not like to trust the boys at sea any more, so he must 
8* 



178 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

send them by land to Chester, and from Chester they could 
cross the Channel to Dublin, and proceed thence by laud tc 
Cork. The letter was sent, and it might have been supposed 
that the weight would have been taken from my mind, and ray 
fears have been dissipated, but it was no such thing ; the same 
dreadful sight appeared before me again, in my dreams, each 
succeeding night, and the impression made upon my mind was 
so powerful that I was really sick with anxiety and distress ; 
On the next post day I wrote a second letter to my brother, 
I gave him the particulars of the repeated dreams which had 
aflfected me so much. I told him I could not look upon them 
in any light but that of a warning from God, and that if my 
children should still be with him, I charged him not to let them 
go to sea. I said that if he should do so, after my telling him ot 
the warning I had received, and the calamity I feared were to 
befall them, I should for ever lay the blame at his door. I 
made use of the most solemn and impressive language in this 
letter, which he had but just received when De Coudre, being 
ready for sea, called upon my brother to take the boys from 
his house to the vessel. He put the letter into his hand that 
he might read it for himself He was greatly infuriated and 
tried to take the boys by force. When he found he could not 
get them, he went oflf, and refused to let them have any of their 
effects from the vessel. 

They returned by land, according to my directions ; thanks 
be to my Heavenly Father for his providential warning ! De 
Coudre put to sea without them ; and neither he nor any of 
his crew have ever since been heard of 

The boys told me, when they reached home, that this man 
was the most horrid blasphemer they had ever heard ; they 
iiaid they had trembled with fright at hearing him vomit forth 



WISH TO QUIT COKK. 179 

".'2 imprecations, eveu against Heaven itself. On one occa 
siou, when they had stormy weather, he had stamped upon the 
deck like a madman, roaring out to the devil to couie and do 
his work. Whu knows but that God, at that moment, would 
have punished thi.s impious blasphemer, and precipitated his 
body to the bottom of the sea, and his soul into the gulf ot 
hell, if it had not been for those two innocent children, in 
favor of whom he deferred his vengeance, and warned me in a 
dream what I should do. 

James will confirm to you the truth of this most extraor- 
dinary incident. I am sure he can never forget his wonderful 
preservation I would say to him, that I trust the grateful 
recollection of it may be of service to him through the whole 
course of his life. When he is tempted to sin against God, I 
would have him pause, and ask himself the question, whether 
it was to commit this sin, that God withdrew him so miracu- 
lously from the waves of the sea. 

I now resume the thread of my story. About the time 
that I was deprived of the very great comfort of preaching 
the word of God to my countrymen in Cork, there was an Act 
passed by the Parliament of Great Britain, forbidding the ex- 
portation of any manufactured woollen goods from Ireland. 
This law broke up my manufactury entirely ; for the broad- 
cloth I made was much better suited for exportation than for 
home use. Cork had ceased to be an agreeable residence to 
me after the disputes in the Church : and though I remained 
there for some months, and I preached in English in a Pres- 
oyterian Church every Sunday, yet I had an unsettled feeling, 
and was all the time on the look-out for any thing that might 
turn up to suit me better. 

I sometimes thought of baying a farm to live upon with 



180 MEMOIES OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

the money I had realized. While I was in this state, lookinq 
on all sides for something advantageous, I accidentally met 
with a merchant from Kinsale, who told me of his having pur- 
chased fish at Bantry, for shipment to Spain, upon which he 
had made a large profit, and that the fisherman from whom he 
made the purchase, had also made a profit. I thought I 
should like such an employment very much, being one so im- 
mediately dependent upon the good Providence of God for 
guiding the nets, and giving success according to his pleasure. 
It seemed to me one of the most innocent of all occupations ; 
so, contrary to the course of the Apostles, who, from fisher- 
men became preachers, I, who had been a preacher, thought 
of becoming a fisherman. 

I sold all my manufacturing implements and utensils, 
gave up the employment, and leaving my family in Cork, I 
set out upon a tour of observation through the fishing region. 
At Baltimore I made acquaintance with Colonel Beecher, who 
had very extensive fisheries, and at Castle Haven with Colonel 
Townsend ; I purchased from the latter gentleman some very 
good second-hand tackle and boats, all complete. I ascer- 
tained that it was impossible to carry on fishing with success 
unless you had a large farm, with many tenants upon it, bound 
to fish only for you. I went to Bear Haven, and there hired 
a considerable farm from Mr. Boyd, at £100 per annum, 
another from Mr. Davis, at £31, 10.5, and a third at £18. 

Behold me now in the midst of great preparations for 
being both a farmer and a fisherman. I purchased a cargo of 
salt to be in readiness ; I put part of it in a cellar at Bantry, 
and part at Bear Haven. I did nothing but spend money 
this season ; it was too late for fishing when I began, but I 
was full of sanguine expectations for the nest year. 



DEATH OF AARON. lt»i 

Whilst I was making these preparations at Bear Haven, 
:jl the year 1609, it pleased God to withdraw my second son, 
Aaron, from this world. This event was the most aflBictive 
that I had ever yet experienced during the whole course of 
my life. The loss of property had never weighed heavily 
upon me, but the loss of this dear child afflicted me extremely. 
He had been long an invalid ; his complaint was consump- 
tion, and his sufferings were very great at times, from violent 
pain in his chest. He evinced the most entire resignation tc 
the will of God, and with a firmness beyond his years tried to 
console his mother, who was shedding tears at his bedside. 
He assured her of the fulness of his hope, that through the 
merits of his Saviour he was going to be received into a state 
of everlasting happiness. 

This grievous dispensation made Cork still more unpleas- 
ant to us, and we determined to remove to Bear Haven, where 
I had rented the farms for the fishery. I sold the lease of 
my house at Cork, with the improvements I had made in it, 
for £100. 

In this new undertaking I went into partnership with my 
cousin, John Arnauld, and Messrs. Renue, Thomas and Gour- 
bould, all merchants in London. They were to have one half 
and I the other. I put down to their share, at cost price, 
half of the Robert, a ketch of about 40 tons burthen, that I 
already owned, and half the price of the tackle, boats, and 
salt, that I had purchased. They bought in London, on joint 
account with me, two other vessels, of about 50 tons ea;h, 
the Goodwill and the Judith. They sent the Goodwill to me 
with nets, cordage, and every thing necessary to make two 
more tackles, and the Judith was sent to France for another 
eargo of salt. As we intended to salt the fish ourselves, I 



LM.' MEMOIRS OF A IILTiUENOT JAMII.V. 

built a house for the purpose, with stone walls and a slated 
roof, and shelves suitable for the purpose required, cellars to 
store the salt in, and presses in which to press the fish. 1 
also built more boats, and got the tackle all ready ; and so 
now, in the year 1700, we were only waiting for Grod to send 
us the fish ; we were fully prepared to catch them, and turn 
them to the best advantage. 

At first I had only James, my eldest son. with me. As 
soon as I had completed my preparations, and had every thing 
ready for the comfort of the family, I sent James to Cork for 
his mother and the children. They came round by sea in the 
Robert to Bantry, and thence to Bear Haven. 

The first year and a half we lived in a mere cottage, 
thatched with straw ; and we owe it to the good Providence 
of God, that, while we were so much exposed, we never suffered 
from the tories,* or robbers, of whom there were great num- 
bers in these parts. 

Having no immediate use for the Robert, we chartered 
her to a merchant in Cork to go to Spain. The captain was 
an Irishman, named James Joy, and he was instructed to re- 
ceive the money for the freight, and to employ it immediately 
in purchasing salt, oranges and lemons. He obeyed his in- 
structions thus far, but instead of bringing the cargo to Cork, 



* Tlie word tory having been long known as a cant term applied to a par- 
ticular party, it may not be amiss to remark that it is here nsed aecordincr to 
its original signification. It is derived from the Irish word U/ruigkini, to 
pursue for purposes of violence, and in the days of Queen Elizabeth we dis- 
cover it first used to signify the lawless banditti who were so troublesome in 
Ireland during her reign. In Eni^land we find it applied for the fir.st time, 
by the opponents of Charles I., to the followers of that unfortunate prince, 
under an idea that he favored the Irish rebels : and by an ea-^y transition it 
became the distinctive appellation of tliat party who wished for thegreates" 
extension of tlie royal prerogative. 



UNSUCCESSFUL FISHERY. 1 C3 

he ran the vessel ashore on the coast of France, scuttled her, 
and sold the wreck with whatever was recovered from it to a 
French merchant, and he remained in France to enjoy his ill- 
gotten wealth. This was the unfortunate end of the ketch 
Robert, so far as we were concerned, but I have heard thai 
the person who purchased her, as a wreck, was able to have 
her repaired, at a cost of little more than a crown, and that 
she has since been making trading voyages on the French 
coast. 

In the month of May, 1 700, we first commenced fishing for 
cod, off the Island of Durzey, but the weather was unfavorable, 
high winds and rough sea, which obliged us to return with 
scarcely any fish, and we had been at great expense. We 
next attempted to take salmon ; our expenses were but small, 
our gains smaller still. 

In July we mustered our whole force to take herrings, 
three tackles, six boats, and forty-five men. at an incredible 
expense. Had the fish been as abundant as usual at this 
season of the year, our profits would have been considerable, 
even though the expenses were so heavy. Very few fish ap- 
peared, but we were obliged to keep up the expensive estab- 
lishment, for perhaps the fish might come, on the very day 
when we, for the sake of economy, had disbanded our force 
and given up waiting for them. One single draught in a 
large shoal of herring might pay all the expenses of one. two, 
or even three years We were paying the same wages to the 
men all the time they were waiting, whether they caught any 
fish or not. 

This season passing away with so little result, we thought 
it needless to keep both our vessels waiting for fish ; so wc 
Bent the Judith on a trading voyage to Spain. With the pro- 



184 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

bability before us of some day sending the Goodwill to Vir 
ginia, we added another deck for the purpose of keeping to- 
bacco dry if she should have a cargo of it. This was an ex- 
pense of £80, and made the vessel look clumsy, but she still 
sailed well. Finding that I had not fish enough to give her a 
full cargo, I proceeded by the directions of my partners in Lon- 
don to fill her up with beef, butter, cheese and candles, which 
were of the value, including the fish, of £450. They recom- 
mended that she should be sent to Madeira first to dispose of 
her cargo, that she should there invest the proceeds in wine, 
then go to Barbadoes to sell the wine, and purchase with the 
proceeds sugar, rum and molasses, and proceed with these to 
Virginia, and after disposing of this third cargo, take in 
tobacco to bring home. 

She accordingly went to Madeira, where she found so many 
vessels had already arrived laden with provisions, that every 
thing had to be sold under its cost. The same bad fortune 
attended them at Barbadoes, many vessels had brought wine, 
and the price was low. It had been agreed that the seamen 
should receive their wages at the second port, and this swal- 
lowed up so much money, in addition to the losses sustained 
by each cargo, that only £130 was left to invest in sugar, 
&c. With this small cargo they went on to Virginia, where 
the cry was still the same, so many vessels were there already, 
that the foreign produce was at a low price, and tobacco was 
so much in demand to fill the vessels, that it was high. The 
Pilot, who had come on board the vessel, saw how unpleasantly 
the Captain was situated, and he suggested to him that i\ 
would be for his advantage to take his cargo more into the in- 
terior, and he offered to conduct the vessel to a river he told 
him of that ran eighty leagues up the country, named, I think, 



TRADING VOYAGE. 185 

Pataxent. The Captain decided to follow his advice, for he 
thought he might almost as well return without a vessel as 
without a cargo. When they reached the port, the Captain 
had every thing his own way, for no vessel had been there for 
more than six months, and they had not a pound of sugar, oi 
a drop of rum or molasses in the place. He did so well with 
his half cargo, that he got in exchange a full cargo of toba330. 
!ZiVery part of the vessel was crammed, even to the cabin and 
the sailors' beds. She arrived at Bear Haven in August, 1701. 
and I had been so perfectly successful with the fishery, that I 
had a cargo ready for her to take in : but the tobacco was 
obliged to be first taken to London to be discharged. I wrote 
to my partners most urgently to use all possible dispatch and 
send her back to me for the fish. 

On the 3d day of August, 1701, my wife was brought to 
bed of our youngest child Elizabeth. On that day we had 
most remarkable success in fishing. Our new slated house 
was not yet quite finished, and we were living in one end of 
the herring house, which was so full with the immense quantity 
taken, that every place was piled up with them, even to the 
very door of the chamber in which my wife was confined. 

We cured this season more than two hundred thousand 
herrings ; we pressed enough to fill two hundred hogsheads, 
and we also put up two hundred barrels of pickled herrings. 
Besides this, we had twelve tierces of salmon, seven or eight 
hundred dried codfish, and two thousand dried flukes, altoge- 
ther worth about £1200. I was in daily and hourly expecta- 
tion of the arrival of the Goodwill. I wrote and wrote again 
to my partners to make haste and send her. in order that she 
might take the first cargo of the season to Leghorn, and be- 
ing first in the market would give us a large profit. 



186 MEMOmS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

While I was in this state of suspense, I sient a 'i Jiall 
quantity by a vessel loading at Bear Haven for Leghorn, a 
few of each kind, and valuing the whole stock at the price T 
obtained for these, we should have received £1500 for them, 
if the Goodwill had only returned to take them. 

It turned out that my partners owned a large quantity of 
wiuo in Spain, and they were alarmed by rumors of war In 
such an event they would have lost all their wine if it had re- 
mained in Spain ; and, on the other hand, if brought to England 
the prospect of war would be sure to increase its value. This 
was a large concern, and the fishery a small one to them, 
though a very large one to me. They thought nothing of the 
non-shipment of the fish, and kept the Goodwill running to and 
fro as fast as possible, hoping to secure all their wine for them 
before the declaration of war. 

At last they wrote to me to sell the fish at Cork, as they 
really could not send the Goodwill. I went there, and found no 
purchaser. I wrote again, and begged them to send me another 
vessel if they could not let me have the Goodwill, for time was 
flying rapidly, and the fisli. which ought to have been shipped 
long ago, were still on hand deteriorating in value. A man 
named Carre, in Cork, wrote to my partners, and told them he 
was expecting a ship, and that if it came he would give a certain 
price for the fish, about £600 f> r the whole. Instead of sending 
I e another vessel in place of the Goodwill, they said I had better 
by a'i means let Carre have the fish at his price I went to con- 
clude the bargain with him early in December, for it was better 
to sell at half price than lose them altogether by keeping too 
long Mr. Carre said he took them only on condition that a 
vessel he was expecting, I know not whence, perhaps from the 
kingdom of the Moon, should arrive in the course of the 



LOSSES. 187 

month of December. I wrote again to my partners. I com- 
plained excessively of their neglect of my interests. I told 
them that Carre had not the character of being a man of it 
tegrity, and it was absurd to depend upon him. As I had an 
ticipated, his ship came not, and I doubt whether he had ever 
expected any. Wearied by my importunities, they at last 
bought an old vessel from Mr. Renue. which was delayed for 
repairs, and did not reach Bear Haven till the end of Janu- 
ary, 1702. I loaded her with all possible dispatch, and on 
the 5th February she cleared out, and went as far as the 
mouth of the harbor, where she sprung a leak, and most of the 
sailors ran away, only three or four remaining with the mas- 
ter to work the pumps. I hired some Irishmen to pursue 
the sailors and bring them back. By much entreaty and 
many smooth words I persuaded them to go on board, help to 
stop the leak, and continue the voyage. They sailed for Leg- 
horn and there sold the fish, from which I never received one 
single farthing. I was informed that the fish were so bad, 
that nothing more than was sufficient for paying the charges 
of all kinds had been received for them. I did not expect 
much, for Lent was over before the vessel reached Leghorn, 
and some of the fish would probably be injured by the leak ; 
but I could not suppose there would be no return whatever, 
unless there was dishonesty. 

Thus God. to whose blessed will we must submit, in his 
infinite and unsearchable wisdom, saw fit to deprive us of all 
the advantages we had anticipated from this most abundant 
season. We had stretched out our hands to receive the gift, 
b'lt we could only see it, we were not allowed to grasp it. 
All ! all was lost ! Thus had God willed it. We were not 
Torthy of it. 



188 MEMOmS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

My London partners had sustained so much loss by the 
fishery, never considering that they alone were to blame for it, 
that they wrote to me saying they would have nothing 
more to do with such a losing concern. It was in vain 
I wrote to them that their agreement was for three years, 
and that I had made all my engagements for that length oi 
time, and this was only the second year. And I had hired 
fishermen for the next year, and it would be impossible for 
me to draw back without forfeiting at least £100. I made 
a full representation of all these circumstances; I pointed out 
to them how hard it was upon me, when they had occasioned 
the loss by detaining the Goodwill for their own purposes. I 
could not induce them to continue, and therefore I was obliged 
to go on for another year on my own account. The Good- 
will was sold in London for a trifle compared with her cost. 
The expenses attendant upon building the cellars, herring- 
house and presses, as well as the cost of the boats and tackle, 
were all charged to my account. They allowed me some- 
thing for their share of the use of them during the two past 
years. They made it out that I owed them £600 when all 
was wound up. Thus I was totally and entirely ruined, but 
it was the will of God, and blessed be his name for the sup- 
port of his grace, which enabled my dear wife as well as my- 
self to submit to the chastisement without murmuring. We 
were able to say from the heart, " Thy will be done !" 

Amongst other expenses necessarily entailed upon vze, 
was the building of a house for our residence, with substan- 
tial stone walb, slated roof and towers ; in fact, a sort of little 
fortification, for defence, in ease of need, from the French 
Corsairs who sometimes made attacks upon unprotected parts 
of the coast. This cost me a great deal of money, but you 



miSH NEIGHBORS. 181* 

will find in the sequel it was not thrown away. The good 
providence of God made it the human means of proc-uring for 
me great advantages hereafter. 

Mj Irish neighbors were in the habit of pillaging and 
cheating me in a thousand indirect ways. I had brought 
thirteen destitute Frenchmen into the neighborhood, who had 
served in the army under King William, and had been dis- 
charged, the war being over, and they knew not where to lay 
their heads. 

I gave them land to cultivate, but whether it was owing 
to their ignorance of agriculture, their habits of indolence 
engendered by a military life, or the perpetual injuries they 
received at the hands of the Irish, I know not ; but certain it 
is, they became discouraged, and most of them left me before 
the end of the three years. I lost £80 by them, having ad- 
vanced so much for their use. 

When God vouchsafes his blessing, every thing prospers, 
but let him withdraw the light of his countenance, and the 
best laid plans and most energetic labors result in nothing but 
failure. Every thing now went wrong with us. There "jras a 
Court held for the Barony at Bear Haven which was com- 
petent to decide in all causes under forty shillings. I do not 
believe that there were more than a half a dozen Protestants 
in the adjacent country besides my own family, and those I 
had brought with me, so that when I or any of my Protes- 
tants demanded what was due to us, the matter was referred 
to a jury of Papists, who invariably decided against us. Pro- 
testants were never by any chance summoned to sit as jurors, 
and the consequences were most vexatious, for we not only 
lost our lawful dues, but were condemned to pay costs like- 
wise. On the other hand, if the Irish took it into their heada 



190 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY 

to make any claim upon us, bow unfounded soever it might be 
thej were sure to recover. Boyd was the judge for th3 Ea- 
rouy ; he was a great rogue : Dwyer was the attorney, and ho 
was no better. After some little experience, I put a stop to 
this system of cheatery and false swearing by appealing from 
the decision of the Barony to the County Assizes. I may 
say with truth, that I was the only person in the whole Barony 
who could be said to be really and truly in the Protestant 
interest, for the very few Protestants who had lived there an}'^ 
length of time appeared to have caught the infection, and be- 
come as bad as the Irish Papists themselves. 

I was a Justice of the Peace, and in that capacity I exert- 
ed myself to the utmost to break up the intercourse subsisting 
between the Irish robbers and the French privateersmen, 
who were the best of friends, mutually aiding each other on 
all occasions, for the Irish seemed to look upon it as a settled 
point, that the enemies of the English must be their greatest 
friends. It was quite natural that my steady course of oppo- 
sition to their evil practices should draw upon me the hatred 
of these people, and I soon had the evidence of its being so ; 
for I received a message from one Skelton, a captain of an or- 
ganized band of robbers in the woods, threatening me with an 
attack, saying that I might keep what guard I pleased, but 
they would manage to surprise me some day or other, and 
they would be with me before I had time to turn round. I 
caused Skelton to be informed that if he declared foxes' war I 
should do the same ; so he and his comrades had better be 
upon their guard, lest I should be beforehand and seize upon 
some of them first. It so happened, about four or five months 
afterwards. I received information that a notorious robber 
was concealed in the cleft of a rock, close to the sea-shore, 



IRISH NEIGHBORS. 191 

upon my farm. I armed myself, and took some of my Pro- 
testant servants, ujxin whom I could depend, and went down 
to the roci, which we surrounded, and finding him there, we 
took him prisoner and sent him to Cork, where he was tried 
at the next Assizes, condemned and executed. I received the 
thanks of the magistrates and the Government for the sei'^icr 
I had rendered to the country by taking up this man. The 
others were rather afraid of me afterwards, and kept aloof. 
In the course of twelve months this whole troop of brigands 
was dispersed. They had quarrels amongst themselves, and 
betrayed one another. I notice this as one more instance of 
the superintending providence of God, which most mercifully 
turned aside a threatened blow. 

The animosity against me still continued, nay, it rather 
gained strength, for I was determined to do my duty as a 
Justice of the Peace, and I persevered in sending to Cork for 
trial all persons who were found to be in the habit of holding 
communications with French privateers, and trading with 
smugglers. The number was commonly eight or ten every 
Assizes. The privateers sustained a heavy loss by this, or 
rather I should say, lost the opportunity of making their 
usual gains, by being deprived of the means of obtaining the 
information they were in the habit of receiving, as to what 
vessels were in the neighboring ports, where they were going 
the value of their cargoes, &c., &c., which had enabled them 
to make many rich prizes. The Irish were rewarded for 
heir treachery on such occasions by a considerable share of 
the booty, and they were of course very much enraged at me 
for putting a stop to their trade. All eflForts to injure me 
had hitherto been unsuccessful, but they felt that they nmst 
make a desperate effort to drive me away from the neighbor 



192 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

hood, or their occupation was gone ; but once rid of Xifi, thej 
knew they could have it all their own way again. So it 
proved ; for after I left the neighborhood the privateers hov- 
ered on the coast, and received information, took prizes, and 
bes^towed rewards as heretofore, and one by one, all the res 
pectable Protestants moved away. 



CHAPTER XIV. 



^OlMlcad by a French Privateer— Defence— Letter to the Dnke of Ormond — Ammil 
don ftirnlshed by Government— Small Fort — Visit Dublin — London — Pensioii^ 
Copy of Warrant— Return Home. 



After having well deliberated, a force was brought to bear 
against me that, to all human appearance, would be amply 
sufficient to accomplish the purposes of my enemies. 

Early in the morning of the first day of June, in the year 
1704, a French privateer hove in sight; she floated gently 
towards my house, in a perfect calm. She had a force of 
eighty men on board, besides four of my Irish neighbors wno 
acted as guides. She mounted ten guns. I watched her 
progress, and thought their object was to bring her to the 
south of my house, where at high water the guns would have 
full scope and bear directly upon the front. I would prevent 
that, if it were possible, and therefore I mustered all the men 
I could find, exactly twenty in number. I furnished all the 
Protestants with muskets, and the Papists with clubs to carry 
on their shoulders, which made them look like armed men 
when seen from a distance. I gave directions that all should 
follow me and do as I did. We went round the little cove, 
stooping very low, as if we wished to hide ourselves, though in 
reality I made choice of the highest ground in order that we 
might the more certainly be seen from the privateer. I then 
9 



194 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FASnLY. 

ordered all the men to go behind a large rock near the shore, 
while I stood alone on the top of it, within sight of the vessel. 
T told them all to appear on one side of the rock, as if they 
were peeping out of curiosity, while I was looking the other 
way ; then I turned round and made angry gesticulations, as 
if I were finding fault and striking some of them, and at the 
same time I directed them all to show their heads on the other 
side of the rock ; I turned again, and appeared as if I were 
anxious that they should be concealed. The enemy having 
Been, as they thought, forty men behind the rock, did not 
deem it expedient to effect their landing at a point so well 
guarded. They turned about towards the mouth of the creek 
upon which my house stood, and there they were opposite to 
one corner of the house, from which point their fire would be 
comparatively without effect. Thus, my manoeuvre produced 
exactly the change in their purpose which I had intended it 
should. They dared not venture up the creek for fear of get- 
ting aground at low water. 

When I saw that they had decided upon their position I 
took my men back by a low path, and this time I really made 
them hide themselves, so that the men on board the vessel 
could not see one of us on our way back to the house. 1 
took all the Protestants in with me to assist in the defence, 
and sent the Papists away. The privateer cast anchor about 
a long musket-shot distant from the house, and presently the 
lieutenant landed with twenty men, and made haste, apparently 
with the intention of reaching the house before he thought I 
could have had time to return from the rock. I had seven 
men with me in addition to my wife and children ; four or 
five of these were of very little use to me. I placed them all 
at different windows. I posted myself in one of the towers 



ATTACK. 195 

over the door, and as the lieutenant was advancing with every 
appearance of confidence in his mien, I fired at him with a 
blunderbuss loaded with large shot, some of which entered his 
neck above the shoulder-blade, and the rest his side. He was 
taking aim at me as he fell, which made the fire go too high. 
I ran for another loaded piece which was in the next room, 
and during my short absence his men took him up, crossed 
the ditch and carried him back to the vessel. 

The Commander was furious at such unexpected resist- 
ance from a Minister, and sent another officer on shore, with 
twenty more men and two small cannon. They placed these 
under cover of the rocks and hedges, and cannonaded the 
north side of the house, while the guns of the vessel bore up- 
on the south-east. Being altogether unaccustomed to this 
kind of music, I must acknowledge that when the first cannon 
ball struck the house, I felt some tremors of fear. I instantly 
humbled myself internally, before my Maker, and having 
committed myself, both soul and body, to his keeping, my 
heart revived within me. I regained my courage, and suff"ered 
no more from fear. I popped my head out of the window to 
see what efi"ect the ball had produced on our stone wall ; and 
when I perceived that it had only made a slight scratch, I 
cried out joyfully, " Be of good courage, my children, their 
cannon-balls make no more impression on our stone walls, 
than if they were so many apples !" 

I had an officer staying with me, with whom I had be;«i 
conversing the night before this attack, as to the probable 
chance of my being able to offer successful resistance upon 
such an occasion as the present. His reply had been very 
discouraging ; he thought a cannon would make as short work 
with us as if our habitation had been a castle of cards. I be* 



196 MEMOEKS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

lieve that it was the impression he had given me of our weax.. 
ness, which occasioned the apprehension i felt when the ball 
struck the house, but which was perceptible to no one but 
myself and my Heavenly Father, who, in answer to my peti- 
tion, had dissipated my fears. 

John McLiney, a brave Scotchman, was stationed at a 
window which overlooked the cannon upon the shore. He 
had fired repeatedly, without effect ; so at last he put a dou- 
ble charge of powder into his musket, fired again, and killed 
the man who was pointing the cannon. After this, they re- 
moved their battery to a more sheltered position ; they placed 
themselves behind a rock, about thirty paces distant from the 
north-east corner of the house, where every one could be pro- 
tected from our fire, except at the time of reloading the can- 
nons, when we could take aim at the men so employed. The 
change of place was much more favorable for us, because, be- 
ing at a corner of the house, the walls could not be injured 
by their fire ; they could only strike the slates on the roof. Dur- 
ing the whole time, there were two or three hundred Irish- 
men collected on a neighboring height, watching the conflict, 
rejoicing in the anticipation of our defeat, and waiting impa- 
tiently for the moment when they might come down and par- 
ticipate in the plunder. 

A Frenchman, named Paul Roussier, a very brave man, 
and a skilful soldier, was posted in the garret, opposite to the 
battery of our enemy. He constructed a sort of rampart, 
with sheeps' fleeces, that we had stored away there, and he 
then made an opening in the roof, through which he kept up 
an incessant fire. He was constantly supplied with arms 
ready loaded. As soon as he had fired, he handed his piece 
to one of the children, who gave him another in exchange, all 



SELF-POSSESSION OF WIFE, 197 

ready to be fired. He killed one of the assailants. They on 
their part displayed equal activity, keeping up a constant 
fire with their cannons. The pirates on board the vessel 
fired against the windows with small arms. We did our best 
to barricade them with mattresses and large books. 

At the commencement of the action, some of our muskets 
were a little out of order. The officer who was loading for 
Paul Roussier, was in such a state of confusion, that he had 
actually put in the ball before the powder. My wife was 
here, and there, and everywhere, carrying ammunition, and 
giving encouragement to all, as well by what she said, as by 
her own calm deportment. When she came into the room 
where the officer had just made the mistake I have mentioned, 
he went up to her and took her by the hand, and said, "Alas : 
my dear lady, what must be done ? we are ruined. It is the 
height of folly to attempt to resist any longer, for our arms 
are in bad order ; here are no less than three useless mus- 
kets." 

I would observe to you that we had not less than eighteen 
muskets in the house, besides two blunderbusses and several 
pistols. 

My wife replied to him with her usual composure, " We 
are in the hands of the Almighty, and nothing can happen to 
us without his permission. I trust he will not suffer us to 
fall into the hands of these wicked men ; but we must not 
lose our courage ; rather let us try if we cannot mend any 
thing that is out of repair." 

She then came to me, and begged I would leave my post, 
and go into the parlor, to encourage the men, and do away 
with the alarm engendered by the fears this faint-hearted 
(gentleman had expressed. I went immediately, and upon 



198 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

examining the useless muskets, I found that one of them 
wanted a flint, another had some dirt in the touch-hole, and 
the third had two cartridges in it, one on the top of the 
other, and a ball below both, next to the touch-hole. I 
laughed at him when I showed him how promptly the mus- 
kets were put in order, and there were no more complaints on 
that score. My wife was perfectly fearless. I wanted a needle 
to broach the muskets, which she went to fetch for me from 
a place where the balls were coming in at the window like 
hail, and she did not think of stooping to avoid them until I 
called out to her to do so. 

The children were naturally very much frightened by the 
noise made, when the roof was struck, and slates were shiv- 
ered by the balls, which she observed, and she said to them, 
" Take courage, my children, do not forget that we are in 
the hands of God. It is not our fear that will give us 
safety, on the contrary, God will bless our courage. If you 
are not able to fire upon the enemy yourselves, you can 
at least load the muskets for your father, and for others 
who are older and stronger than you are. Drive away fear 
from your hearts as much as possible, and leave the care of 
your persons to God." 

This address to the children was of much use to the older 
persons who were present ; it appeared to inspire them with 
fresh confidence and courage. Ere long, however, we had a 
serious cause for anxiety ; our powder was becoming so scarce, 
that we felt as if we ought to begin to use it more sparingly. 
We were in a state of great perplexity. If we did not con- 
tinue the same fire, we thought the enemy would perceive the 
diff"erence, and attack us with fresh vigor ; and if we went on 
at the rate we had hitherto done, we should not have more 



VICTORY. 199 

f;han enough to last three hours. The whole stock, at the out- 
set, was but twelve pounds. " Great God ! it was then, in our 
moment of need, that thou didst discourage our enemies, and 
make them to turn their backs upon us in flight." 

Claude Bonnet, a French soldier, discovered that one of 
them was running away, so he went forward to fire upon him, 
and at that very moment a ball from the enemy struck against 
the house, rebounded, and entered the fleshy part of his arm, 
without touching the bone. This showed us that we were not 
invulnerable, and that if we had been spared, it was to God 
that we owed our preservation, and to Him we ought to return 
thanks. 

My dear wife was the surgeon ; she had him laid upon a 
bed without any noise, and applied the first dressing to his 
wound with her own hands. The engagement lasted from 
eight o'clock in the morning till four in the afternoon, and 
during the whole time there had never been the least cessation 
in the firing, except for a very few minutes after the first man 
was killed. We had no one wounded but Claude Bonnet, 
with the exception of a slight hurt one of the children re- 
ceived from a piece of slate striking against his thumb. The 
loss sustained by the enemy was three killed and seven wound- 
ed, as we afterwards ascertained from the Irishmen who were 
on board. When the assailants had returned to their vessel. 
we inspected the stations they had occupied on shore, and we 
found a quantity of blood which they had evidently tried to 
hide by treading earth and leaves into it. 

The privateer remained at anchor for some time, and we 
feared they might be preparing for a second attack, for which 
we were in very poor condition, being so near the end of our 
powder. We determined, however, that if they should land 



200 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

again, we would not waste the little powder we had left, bui 
only fire when we could take aim. While we were waiting 
the development of their plans, we all took some nourishment, 
which we stood in much need of after our fatigue. 

When we returned from the rock, first thing in the morn- 
ing, I had given to each man one large glass of Sherry, and 
after that, during the whole action, I did not permit any one 
to taste a single drop of wine, spirit, or strong beer. 

In a short time we had the satisfaction of seeing the vessel 
draw up her anchor, and sail away ; and we then returned 
most hearty thanks to God for our glorious deliverance. 

I wrote immediately to Lord Cox, then Lord Chancellor 
of Ireland, and to the Duke of Ormond, the Lord Lieutenant. 
I gave them a full account of the whole afi"air. Before I men- 
tion the opening paragraph of my letter to the Duke, I should 
name, that about nine months previous to the attack, he had 
made a tour through a great part of Ireland, in company with 
the Chancellor. When they were at Kinsale, Mr. Davis, one 
of my landlords, and I, went there to pay our respects to 
them. Before the interview, it had been agreed between Mr. 
Davis, the Chancellor, and myself, that if there should be any 
opening for it. I should contrive to say something in favor of 
erecting a fort in our neighborhood, and they would support 
me in it ; for they were fully as anxious to have one as I was. 

The Chancellor introduced us both to the Duke as Justices 
of the Peace, who did our duty. His Grace conversed with 
Mr. Davis for a few minutes ; but when he found that I was 
a French Refugee, he addressed himself more particularly to 
me, and he carried on the conversation in the French lan- 
guage. He asked me how long I had resided in this barba- 
rous part of the country, what flock I had, &c., to all which I 



LETTER TO DCKE OF ORMOND. 201 

replied. Ho then inquired about the produce of the country, 
and how we managed to transact our business in this quarter. 
I told him what a fine harbor we had, and mentioned its par* 
ticular advantages, and thinking the opportunity a good one 
for introducing the subject, I mentioned the danger to which 
we were exposed from the iniquitous practices of French pri- 
vateers. I then said, " If the Government could only be in- 
duced to build a fort there for our protection, I am sure it 
would become a favorite place for the settlement of French 
Refugees ; and I have no doubt it would also prove a safe- 
guard to the commerce of the whole kingdom." 

According to our previous arrangement, the other gentle- 
men were ready to support what I had recommended with 
various arguments ; but the Duke rather wittily cut short our 
discourse by saying : " Pray to God for us, and we will take 
care to defend you in return." 

This reply was so much to the purpose, that we were 
silenced ; we had not another word to say. I felt a little 
confused, and the tittering of some of the Duke's friends was 
annoying. 

God having now given us this remarkable deliverance, I 
thought the time had arrived when I should be justified in re- 
proaching his Grace with breach of promise. Immediately 
after the battle, before the sun had set, on that very evening, 
I wrote him a letter, beginning as follows : — 

" Since I had the honor of paying my respects to your 
Grace at Kinsale, I have not failed to pray for you daily, in 
conformity with the rctjucst you then made ; but you must 
allow me to complain, that your Grace has not been equally 
true to the promise you then made of defending me, for with- 
out your assistance I have had to defend myself from the 
9* 



202 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

attack of a French corsair, who," &c., &c. I then went on to 
give him the particulars of the engagement, and of our glori- 
ous victory. 

I inclosed this letter, unsealed, to my cousin, Arnauld, in 
London, and I begged him, after he had read it, to seal and 
deliver it. He had some hesitation about the expediency of 
delivering it ; he thought it was too bold. Nevertheless, he 
complied with my request, sealed it, and then went with it to 
the door of the Duke's hotel, and gave it to the first servant 
he saw, without waiting for any answer, or even ascertaining 
that it had reached its destination. 

The good and generous Duke was delighted, seeing that 
the boldiiess of it was justified by the defence we had made. 
He inquired immediately for the person who had brought it, 
and as he was not forthcoming, he requested Colonel Boisron, 
who happened to be with him, to write an answer, telling me 
how much he was charmed with my conduct, as well as with 
my manner of relating it to him ; and that, if it should ever 
be in his power to serve me, I might be assured he would take 
great pleasure in doing so. 

In the mean time my name, and that of my wife also, be- 
came known throughout Europe, by means of the newspapers 
giving the history of our defence. I received a letter from 
Government, dated 10th June, 1764, complimenting me on 
my conduct, congratulating me on the happy result of the 
conflict, and adding, they would take care I should be better 
provided for defence in case of another attack. A warrant 
was inclosed in the letter, directing the keeper of the maga- 
zine at Kinsale to deliver to me one barrel of gunpowder and 
two barrels of musket-balls. I had not asked any such 

supply- 



PKEPAKATIOX FOR FUTURE DEFENCE, 203 

The four Irishmen who had acted as guides to the French 
were very much alarmed ; they feared that if I discovered 
them I should hand them over to justice ; so they prudently 
determined to be beforehand, and they came voluntarily be- 
fore me, and made oath that the French had taken them by 
main force. They furnished us with the information I have 
given already of the extent of the loss sustained by the French. 
They told us that the lieutenant, whom we had slain, was a 
near relation of the Captain, who was so furious at his death, 
that he swore if he took me he would roast me alive and salt 
me. 

After this I determined to build a kind of fortification 
at the back of my house, to answer the double purpose of 
protecting the lower floor from the guns of ships, and de- 
fending the mouth of the creek. I bought several six- 
pounders which had been fished up from a vessel lost on the 
coast. I had three carriages made for them, and I raised a 
fortification of turf, whose parapet was eighteen feet in thick- 
ness, and so situated as to command the entrance of the creek, 
and cover the lower story of my house entirely, on the side 
next the creek. 

My Irish neighbors were much chagrined at the unexpect- 
ed issue of the attack, which they had felt certain was to rid 
the country of me for ever. They were more and more 
annoyed as they saw the progress of my preparations for 
future defence. They tried to alarm me ; they said to me that 
perhaps I was not aware there was an Act of Parliament 
which forbade any person to erect a fortification, or mount 
guns without the special permission of Government. I re- 
plied to them that I knew all about the Act of Parliament 
quite as well as they did, but I had no fear of disturbance in 



204 MEisrores or a huguenot family. 

my work, after the decided evidences I had received of the 
friendship and esteem of the Government. " Were it other- 
wise " said I, " I would much rather fall into the hands of an 
English jury than those of French pirates." 

I made an application to the Government for ammunition 
when I had completed my fort. I was promptly furnished 
with five hundred cannon balls, four barrels of gunpowder, 
and the greatest abundance of matches. I required no stronger 
proof of approbation. 

By the month of November T had completed every thing, 
and finding that the Lord Lieutenant had returned to Dublin, 
I thought it would be right that I should go and wait upon 
him, and present a full report of what I had done. During my 
residence at Bear Haven, I had from time to time been able 
to render material assistance to merchant vessels, and more 
than once to ships of war, in distress. I took with me certi- 
ficates of these facts. 

Upon my arrival in Dublin I was received by the Council 
with the utmost kindness. They voted the sum of £50 to 
me at once, as a temporary assistance until something better 
could be done for me, and they recommended me most strongly 
to claim a pension for my services, and they themselves 
brought my case officially before the Lord Lieutenant. After 
a while he issued an order to the Secretary of State for Ire- 
land, to give me a letter addressed to the Secretary of Lord 
Godolphin, then Lord High Treasurer of England. 

I went to England with my documents in the month of 
April, 1705, and while I was still in London, urging my 
claims, the Duke of Ormond, the Lord Lieutenant, came there, 
and was of essential service to me in gaining my pension. He 
treated me at all times with every possible kindness. 



PENSION FKOM QUEEN ANNE. 205 

TL3 warraut for my pension was presented to me on the 
17th October, 1705, and here follows a copy of the document. 

(Copy.) 

To our right trusty, and right entirely beloved Cousin and 
Councillor, James, Duke of Ormond, our Lieutenant-General 
and General Governor of our Kingdom of Ireland, and to our 
Lieutenant Deputy, or other chief governor or governors of 
that, our kingdom for the time being. 
ANNE R. 

" Right trusty, and right entirely beloved Cousin and Coun- 
cillor, we greet you well. Whereas James Fontaine, Clerk, 
did by his humble petition to us, pray that we would be gra- 
ciously pleased to bestow on him a pension of five shillings a 
day on our establishment of our kingdom of Ireland, in con- 
sideration of his good services in his defence against a French 
Privateer, and the great charge he is at in securing the re- 
mote port he lives in against the insults of the French, and 
whereas our High Treasurer of England hath laid before us 
a report made by you upon said petition, wherein you testify 
that the petitioner is settled in a very remote port, in Bear 
Haven, in our said kingdom, which place is very much infested 
with the privateers, that he hath built a very strong house 
with a small sort of sod fort, on which he hath the permis- 
sion of our said government to mount five guns ; that he hath 
often been in danger of being attacked by the Privateers, and 
that, by the continuance of the said fort, he hath protected several 
merchant ships ; that there hath been produced to you several 
very ample certificates from the merchants of Dublin and of 
Cork, of the commodiousness of that place for securing mer- 



206 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAlSnLY. 

chant ships, as also from the Captains of our ships, the Arundel 
and the Bridgewater, and that, upon the whole, you are ot 
opinion that the said James Fontaine very well deserves our 
favor and encouragement, in consideration of his said services 
and expenses, and in regard he is a French Refugee, you pro- 
pose that a pension of five shillings a day may be inserted for 
him on the establishment, under the head of French Pen- 
sioner, to commence from Michaelmas, 1705. Now, we hav- 
ing taken the premises into our Royal consideration, are gra- 
ciously pleased to consent thereunto, and accordingly, our will 
and pleasure is, and we do hereby direct, authorize and com- 
mand, that you cause the said pension or allowance of five 
shillings a day to be paid to him, the said James Fontaine, or 
his assignees from Michaelmas last, 1705, as aforesaid, for 
maintaining the said fort for the better preservation of our 
subjects of our said Kingdom against the insults of French 
Privateers, the same to continue during our pleasure, and to 
be placed for him in the list of French Pensioners on the 
establishment of our expenses in our said Kingdom, and paid 
in like manner as others, the pensions within the said list are. 
or shall be payable. And this shall be as well to you for so 
doing, as to our Lieutenant Deputy, or other chief governor 
or governors of our said Kingdom for the time being, and to 
our Receiver General, and all others concerned in making the 
said payments, and allowing thereof, upon account, a sufficient 
warrant, and so bid you very heartily farewell. 

" Given at our Court at St. James's, the twelfth day of 
October, 1705, in the fourth year of our leign. 
" By Her Majesty's command, 

" GODOLPHIN. 



" Entered at the Signet Office, on the X7th 
day of October, 1705. 



S "Gko. Wooddeson, Dep" 



KLNDNESS OF JOHN AKNAULD. 207 

My inventive genius had now entirely forsaken me, but the 
providence of God had not. The same God who at first 
called light out of darkness, had now shown his power in frus- 
trating the designs of our enemies, and turning to our honor 
and advantage the very enterprise by which they had hoped 
and expected to seal our ruin. If it had not been for their 
cruel attack, we should never have become known to persons 
who have proved most kind friends to us. Let us never for- 
get that we are indebted to our Heavenly Father for inclining 
towards us the heart of a kind and charitable earthly sovereign. 
The signal failure of our adversaries' schemes reminded me 
of the enigma of Samson in the Bible ; '" Out of the eater 
came forth meat, and out of the strong came forth sweetness." 

I must not omit to mention the kindness and hospitality 
of my cousin. John Arnauld. I was his guest during the 
whole time I was in London, and he not only declined ac- 
cepting any compensation for my board, but he lent me nearly 
£30 to further my views in applying for a pension, and at a 
time, too, when he saw little chance of my ever being in a 
situation to repay him. Thanks be to God, I have since that 
time so far prospered in my school as to be able to return him 
this money. 

During my absence from home, privateers had been occa- 
sionally seen hovering about the mouth of the harbor. One 
of them had approached the house, and appeared to be taking 
the same course that had been followed by the vessel that at- 
tacked us. My wife was on the alert, she had all the cannons 
loaded, and one of them fired ofi". to show that all was in 
readiness for defence, and when they saw this, they veered 
about, landed on Great Island, stole some cattle, and sailed 
away. 



208 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMTLT. 

After my return we had occasional alarms, vessels would 
approach now and then and seem to threaten a descent ; but it 
ended in nothing but giving us a little fright, and making us 
brush up our arms, for when they saw that we were in a state 
of preparation they went off, contented with stealing wbatevei 
they could lay their hands upon. 



i 



CHAPTER XV. 



A.ttack«d by a second privateer — Out-houses fired — Breach In the wall — Wounded — 

Surrender — Carried off to the vessel — Expostulation with Captain — Ransom — Peter 
left as a hostage. 



With a constant apprehension of attack before us, we lived 
on the " qui vive " from the first day of June, 1704, until the 
eighth day of October, 1708, when, with all our precautions, 
we were actually taken by surprise. 

A company of soldiers was quartered among the Irish in 
the Half Barony, and the Captain, who commanded them, 
lodged and boarded at my house, but unfortunately, both he 
and the Lieutenant happened to be absent at that time, they 
had gone to Bantry, and the Ensign was left in command of 
the company. He was an imprudent inexperienced youth, 
without any sort of judgment. 

A French privateer entered the harbor during the night, 
and anchored oflF Bear Haven, about five miles from my house, 
and entirely out of our sight. She hoisted English colors by 
way of deception, and, she succeeded to her wish, for the En- 
ign no sooner discovered her, than, concluding she was a ves- 
sel just arrived from America, he went down with two or three 
soldiers of his company, in great haste to be the first to board 
her, in order to regale himself with rum punch, a beverage of 
jvhich he was unhappily much too fond. He was made a 



210 MKMOIRS OF A IIUGUP:N<yr FAMILY. 

prisoner the instant his, foot touched the deck of the vessel 
but the Captain and the officers behaved towards him with 
the greatest civility. He was a little shocked at first, but 
they made him so very welcome, treating him to the best of 
wine and brandy, that he soon lost the remembrance of his 
situation, and gave the Captain all the information he wanted, 
and it was of a nature to encourage him to proceed. He told 
him that the soldiers were dispersed throughout the Barony, 
without any commander, for the Captain and Lieutenant were 
both absent, as well as himself, and that he was sure it would 
be very easy to surprise my house, for I had no one near 
enough to help me but my own family. Upon the strength of 
this information, the Captain had the boats prepared for 
going ashore. He sent eighty men in three boats, commanded 
by two Lieutenants, who were both Irishmen, natives of the 
Barony. 

A great portion of the crew were Irishmen, and amongst 
them was a man named Sullivan, whose life I had formerly 
been the means of saving, when he was proclaimed as a tory 
and a robber. He fled to France, and I had so much com- 
passionate feeling for his wife, whom he had left behind with 
seven or eight children to maintain, that I allowed her to live 
rent-free on my farm, and fearing the family might perish 
with hunger, I returned to her a milch cow and ten or twelve 
sheep, which Sullivan had made over to me for rent due before 
he went away. This was the man who came to reward me for 
my kindness to him and his, by acting as a guide to the party. 
2n^o one knew better than he the exact situation of my house, 
and every thing belonging to it. 

They quitted the ship at midnight, landed before it was 
light, and commenced their march about daybreak, in perfect 



I 



SECOND ATTACK 211 

silence, and stooping very low. in order that they might be 
neither seen nor heard. An Irish servant who was fetching 
home the cows was the first person to discover them, march- 
ing in good order, and only the distance of a long musket 
shot from the house. He ran home as fast as he could, and 
cried out that we were all lost, for a number of armed men 
•were in sight. We got up directly, and I ordered every door 
to be shut, but there was so much confusion that the gates of 
the large court in front, and even the house door below the 
tower were forgotten and left open for some time. This was 
perceived by the enemy as we afterwards learned, but it was 
supposed to have been done on purpose as a feint, and that 
we must have a loaded cannon within ready to fire if any one 
approached. When the men were near enough to hear me, I 
hailed them through a speaking-trumpet, and told them if they 
were friends to stop, and let us know who they were, and if 
enemies, to come forward, and we would receive them with 
vigor. 

In the mean time my children were busily engaged load- 
ing our arms and putting them in order. The men continued 
to advance ; so I ordered my son James to fire upon them 
from a garret window with our largest gun, which was six feet 
long. This made them lower their heads ; they then separa- 
ted into six detachments and took various posts, and some of 
them, under cover of hedges and ditches, contrived to get 
round to the back of the house. They had determined to 
root us out this time, for their first act was to set fire to the 
malt-house, which was towards the east, then to the stacks of 
hay, straw and grain which were at the north and east, and 
after that to the cow-house, stable, and long fish-press which 
were at the west of my house. These were all very combus- 



212 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY, 

tible, and in less than half an hour we were encompassi J 
with flames on every side but one, and by reason of the firt 
and smoke between them and us we were unable to see our 
enemies, and we suffered much from the smoke, which found 
its way to us through every crevice. 

I ordered the servants to put water in every tub and 
bucket that could be found, and then immerse sheep-skins 
with wool upon them, and ox-skins, of both which we had 
many in the house. When these were thoroughly saturated I 
had them placed in the windows, as being the most exposed 
parts of the house. My dear wife superintended these ar- 
rangements. The roof was slated, so there appeared but lit- 
tle danger of fire being communicated to us through that 
channel. 

The whole garrison consisted of my wife and myself, our 
children and four servants ; two of the latter were mere cow- 
boys, and the other two had never seen a battle. We fired 
hap-hazard, as fast as we could load ; we did so, because we 
could actually see nothing but fire and smoke, and therefore 
could not aim at our enemies. My chief apprehension arose 
from the fear that they might possess themselves of our can- 
non and turn them against ourselves, and therefore I thought 
that while unable to see what our assailants were doing, I 
could not employ myself better than in firing my large blun- 
derbuss every few minutes in the direction of the cannon 
Once after I had fired, I thought I discovered that they had 
been making the attempt, for there was much noise and con- 
fusion, and it was evident they were carrying off a wounded 
man. I could hear them very distinctly, but I could see no- 
thing ; I was encouraged, however, by what I heard, to fire 
from time to time in the same direction. 



SKrriNG FIRE TO ROOF. 213 

It was not until all that I have related had been done, 
that I became aware of the doors being open of which I have 
already spoken, and I sent some one to shut them. 

While I was firing at random, I had a glimpse of a man 
setting fire to the covering of the fish-press ; I took deliberate 
aim at him with my blunderbuss, loaded as usual with swan- 
shot, and wounded him in several places, but not seriously. 

While /we were blinded and sufi"ocated by the smoke from 
the burning stacks, our adversaries raised a small mound of 
turf and wood, behind which they intrenched themselves, and 
set to work with long poles to detach the slates from the roof 
of the north-east tower. At soon as they uncovered a por- 
tion, they applied fire to it. by means of burning straw at 
the end of their poles, and in this way the roof was on fire 
three times, and we as often extinguished it from within. 

About two o'clock in the afternoon, they accomplished 
making a breach in the wall of this same north-east tower. 
We could see them at work with iron bars, and while they 
were so engaged my children fired upon them ; they formed a 
sort of rampart with a mattress on the top of a large basket, 
such as is used in the country for carrying peat. They knelt 
behind this rampart, and fired as fast as they could one after 
the other, without daring to show their noses. 

The enemy still continued at work with their long poles 
and firebrands endeavoring to set the roof on fire. When 
the smoke had subsided a little, I hit upon a position from 
which I could see to take aim at their hands, as they raised 
them above their intrenchment to guide the poles. I fired 
and I thought I hit them, but as they still persevered in 
their work, I began to think it probable that I had not put a 
suflicient charge in the piece, so when T loaded again I put in 



214 IMEMOIRS OF A HUGUKNOT FAMILY. 

a double quantity of powder. I had no sooner loaded than 1 
had the opportunity of aiming at a hand I saw raised ; I fired, 
but my piece was overloaded, and it burst, by which unfortu- 
nate accident I was thrown down with much violence, three 
of my ribs and my right collar-bone were broken, and the 
flesh of my right hand was much torn. I was so completely 
stunned that I had no power to move, or even to breathe for 
some seconds. My wife saw me fall, and she naturally con- 
cluded I had been struck by a ball from the enemy. She ran 
to my assistance, and raised me up without making any noise 
whatever. As soon as I was able to articulate, I told her 
how it had happened. I was now completely " hors de com- 
bat," but I had already done much work, for I had fired five 
pounds of swan shot from my now disabled piece, during 
the morning. After I was prostrated, my dearest wife 
assumed the command ; she had an eye to every thing ; she 
went round to furnish ammunition as it was required, and 
she gave courage as well by her exhortations as by her ex- 
ample. 

In the mean time the enemy had been engaged upon the 
breach, which they had increased to four or five feet square: 
nevertheless, they derived no benefit from it ; my sons de- 
fended it by an incessant fire from behind their mattress ram- 
part. At last, a grenade was thrown in at the breach, which 
ran under the basket, and overturned the whole affair, but 
without doing any harm, thanks be to God, except giving the 
boys a fright which made them abandon their post ; but only 
for a very short time. One of them ran to me, in great dis- 
may, to tell me that the hole was as large as any door, and 
that the enemy were entering by it ; the other boys were still 
firing from the dormar windows. 



COURAGE OF BOYS. 215 

I immediately rose from mj bed, and asked them to give 
me a pistol ready cocked and loaded, which I took in my left 
hand, the right being useless. I called my family around me, 
and I said to them, " I see, my dear children, that we must 
be overpowered by the great number of those who are attack- 
ing us ; it is inevitable ; but we will not stand quietly to be 
killed like dogs ; let us rather sell our lives dearly, and die 
like lions." I was advancing towards the breach while I said 
these words. 

As soon as I had done speaking, my poor boys re-entered 
the room, and took up their old position without a word or a 
gesture indicative of fear ; they replaced their basket and mat- 
tress, exposed to the fire of more than ten muskets. It was, 
indeed, a melancholy sight ! but, at the same time, I was grati- 
fied with their display of unflinching courage. Blessed be 
thou, my God ! who preserved them from injury amid such 
a shower of balls. 

When they resumed the fire, the enemy retreated from the 
breach, and did not dare to show their heads, or even their 
hands, which caused all their fire to be thrown away ; for. by 
not raising the butt-end of their muskets, they carried too 
high, and the shot went far above us every time. Seeing that 
we did not give way in the least, they began to tire of our 
obstinate resistance. They might possibly have heard nic 
speak to the children, and it is very certain they overrat<id 
our force extremely ; for, from the constant fire in all direc- 
tions, as well as upon the main point of attnok, they concluded 
that we must have at least twenty men. They called out to 
us to surrender, and they would give us good cjuarter. 

I held a conversation with my wife and children, and wo 
determined, at any rate, to hear what terms they ofi"crcd 



216 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

The firing was stopped on both sides, and I advanced to the 
breach to hold a parley with them. One of the Irish lieuten- 
ants came forward and took aim at me ; my second son, Peter, 
saw what he was about, before I observed him, and he imme- 
diately caught hold of me and drew me one side, barely in 
time to save me from being the victim of their treachery , for 
the ball passed within two or three inches of my stomach. 

I was extremely indignant, and said, " Ah ! you traitors ! 
was it then merely with the view of surprising me, that you 
proposed a parley ? Fire upon these traitors, my sons ; fire, I 
say." The boys obeyed me without loss of time, and fired 
upon the deceitful miscreants. 

I had foolishly exposed myself to a very great danger, by 
placing confidence in the good faith of an enemy whom I 
might have known was destitute of all honorable feeling. The 
ever watchful providence of God again interposed for my 
deliverance. 

We kept up an incessant fire for another quarter of an 
hour, when the enemy called out to us again, and made a sec- 
ond offer of good quarter. I reproached them with their 
recent perfidy, and told them I could not trust persons who 
had already attempted to betray the confidence I had reposed 
in them. 

They then threatened that, if we refused to surrender, 
they would throw a barrel of powder in the breach, and blow 
us all up. 

" I have three or four at your service here," said I, " and 
I intend to scatter their contents over this floor and the inner 
hall, and whenever you are pleased to enter, I will throw a 
lighted turf upon it, and make you dance. You may depend 
upon it, I will not perish without you." 



TEKMS OF SURRENDER. 217 

The desperate tone of this reply made them repeat once 
m,ire iheir otter ot good quarter. 

I said, " I do not know what you mean by gond quarter ; 
but this I know, I am resolved not to surrender uncondition- 
ally. I would rather perish with my whole family." 

They left off firing, and begged I would order my people 
to do the same, that we might speak about terms ; so we had 
a cessation of hostilities on both sides. Their proposition 
was, that they should have the plunder, to which I assented ; 
for, with our lives, we should most certainly have lost our 
goods. I demanded life and liberty for myself and all who 
were with me. They spoke to me in English ; and I said 1 
would have nothing to do with Englishmen or Irishmen in 
making the treaty. 

" I consider myself a British subject, and as such, T will 
only treat with the French, who are at war with England, and 
I request the French commander to come forward, and put 
his head to the breach ; I assure him that he may do so with 
perfect safety. We have no traitors in our ranks." 

One of the rascally Irish lieutenants then presented him- 
self as the commander of the party. He went by the name 
of Carty in Ireland, and La Touche in France ; he could 
speak French as well as I could. I told him, that as an Irish- 
man, I had not the slightest reliance upon him. but it was a<^ 
tlie authorized agent of the French couunancU'r. that I was 
willing to treat witli him I tlicn repeated to him the terms 
of capitulation, speaking French all the time. He was to 
guarantee life and liberty to all of us, and to promise on their 
part the most strictly honorable deportment while in pos- 
session, and they were to have tlie plunder. 

They swore to the observance of these terms as French- 
10 



218 MEMOms OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

men and men ot honor. After whicb I bad one thing more 
to say : " I am now going to open the door for your admit- 
tance, and I give you warning beforehand, that I will not suf- 
fer any one to enter but through the door. Whoever attempts 
to come in by the breach, will be shot down directly." 

This was agreed to likewise, and I then had the doors 
opened, and I ranged myself, my wife, my sons and four ser- 
vants in regular order, to surrender our arms to the Com- 
mander, as he entered. 

Oh, Grod ! our Preserver ! thou knowest, and none else 
can know the state of my feelings at that moment, to see my 
beloved wife and dear children, at the mci'cy of enemies, four- 
teen of whom we had wounded. Oh ! what everlasting 
praises do we owe to thee for our preservation. It was thou 
who restrained our blood-thirsty enemies from executing the 
vengeance which they had sworn against us. Oh, my God ! 
I beseech thee to sanctify the lives which thou hast so mira- 
culously preserved, and assist us to devote them to thy 
service. 

The Commander, and a good many of the men came in, 
and seeing only five youths, and four cowherds, they looked 
anxiously around, and asked me where all my men were, evi- 
dently fearing an ambuscade. 

" You need not fear any thing dishonorable from me.' 
said I, "you now see our whole garrison." "Impossible," 
said he, " these children could never have kept up all the 
firing." 

My wife then spoke to him, and said, " I am in hopes, sir, 
that the fact of so few persons having made this gallant de- 
fence, will be an inducement to you-^— whom I trust we shall 
find a man of honor — to treat us with the more considera- 



PLUNDER. 219 

tion." She then said, " Are you tlie Commander of this 
party ?" 

" I am, Madam." 

" Wait a moment," said she, " and I will give you my 
keys." As she handed them to him, she begged he would 
restrain his followers within the bounds of propriety. He 
promised to do so. 

" In making terms with you, I forgot to name my library," 
said I. " I hope that you will not take advantage of my omis- 
sion, but allow me to retain my books, which are of great va- 
lue to me, and can be of no use to you or your followers." 

He promised that they should be spared, and he placed 
a guard at the door of my study ; but very soon the men 
forced their way there, as elsewhere, and took possession of 
all my handsomest books, leaving behind but few, and those 
the shabbiest in external appearance. 

My house was well furnished ; and as we had not thought 
of a surrender until it actually took place, we had not had 
time or opportunity for secreting any thing. We were strip- 
ped of every thing, furniture, linen, clothing, even to our very 
coats, which, in the heat of action we had taken off to give 
more freedom in the movement of our arms. 

They filled their own three boats quite full, and then they 
took three of mine, and filled them also with their booty. 
When they were ready to return with their rich prize to the 
vessel, they took me, my sons James and Peter, and two of 
the servants, prisoners. It was all to no purpose that I re- 
minded the Commander of the terms upon which we had sur- 
rendered, and that it was a decided infraction of the treaty 
which he had sworn to observe. He replied that my name 
had become so notorious amongst the privateers of St. Ma 



220 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

Iocs, that be dared not return to the vessel without me ; the 
Captain's order was most peremptory, uot to think of coming 
back to the vessel unless he had me with him, dead or alive 
He promised again, in the most faithful manner, that I should 
not be retained as a prisoner : he said that as soon as the 
Captain had seen me, I should be set at liberty. 

Remonstrances were of no avail ; I was obliged to go 
with them, and by the time I reached the vessel, my wounds 
and fractured bones had become so painful, that I lost all 
power of helping myself, and was obliged to be hoisted up 
like a log. 

When the crew first saw me on the deck, they shouted 
with one accord, " Vive le Roi," and repeated it three times 
in grand chorus. 

This roused me from my pain and depression : and when 
their shouting ceased, I raised my voice to its highest pitch, 
and said, " Gentlemen, how long is it since victories have 
been so rare in France that you are glad to avail yourselves 
of such an occasion as this, to sing in triumph ? I am ashamed, 
positively ashamed of my native country, to hear rejoicings 
over such a victory. A glorious achievement truly ! Eighty 
men, accustomed to warfare, have actually been so successful 
as to compel one poor minister, four cowherds, and five chil- 
dren, to surrender upon terms ! Furthermore, gentlemen, I 
would have you to know that though I do appear before you 
as a prisoner, it is in direct violation of the treaty made with 
your commanding officer, and sworn to by him previous to 
our surrender. Ho cannot deny that he has broken his faith, 
and committed a flagrant ofi"ence against the established law 
<«f nations." 

I was then carried to the Captain's cabin, and I renewed 



INTERVIEW WITH CAPTAIN. 221 

mj complaint. I told him the agreement which his author 
ized agent had sworn to, and I added, " Sir, I can assure you 
that if I had had the least idea of being carried off as a prisoner, 
so far from surrendering, I would have resisted as long as I 
had had any breath left in my body. I trust, under these 
circumstances, you will see the justice of restoring me to 
liberty immediately." 

He replied to me with much suavity and courtesy of man- 
ner, " I cannot tell you how much I am delighted to have 
you on board my vessel, a man of such undaunted courage, 
and whose name has made so much noise." 

" You may, perhaps, sir," said I, " find to your cost, that 
my name is pretty well known in England and Ireland. I 
have received so many proofs of friendship from the Lords 
in Council, at the Iri.sh scat of Government, that I feel cer- 
tain, as soon as they become aware of my situation, and es- 
pecially that my being a prisoner at all is contrary to the 
sworn terms of a treaty, they will send instructions to Kin- 
sale to retaliate upon the French prisoners there, which may 
probably bring you into trouble." 

" What is it you say ? Do you dare to make use of 
threats to me ?" 

" No, no," said I, " I only give you fair warning of that 
which will most assuredly come to pass. This unjustifiable 
conduct will be the occasion of many an honest man suffering 
hardships, to which the mere circumstance of his being a cap- 
tive would not subject him ; probably friends of your own 
among the number, and nobody will give you any thanks for 
what you are doing." 

" Never mind, let us drink a glass of wine together now 
and discuss these matters in the morning.''' 



222 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAlVnLY. 

" I want no wine." said I, " but I stand in great need of 
the assistance of some one to dress my wounds." 

The surgeon was therefore summoned, and he applied 
some linen dipped in brandy. Notwithstanding the number 
of good beds they had brought from my house, I had great 
difficulty in obtaining a very poor one to lie down upon, and a 
coarse sheet and coverlet to throw over me. I was placed be- 
tween decks, with the bed resting on some cordage. This was 
Saturday night, the 8th October, 1708. 

Our noble Ensign, who ought to have been our protector 
from the enemy, was still on board as drunk as a hog. He 
was in excellent spirits, on the best of terms with the Captain 
and crew, to whom he was infinitely obliged for having in- 
dulged him in his vicious propensity. The next day was Sun- 
day ; he was sent ashore early in the morning, without having 
received the least injur}- or having been deprived of any thing 
whatever. My two sons and the servants were sent away at 
the same time, and I alone was detained. As soon as the 
boat was taken on board after landing them, the Captain gave 
orders to raise the anchor and make sail 

My wife did not sit down ({uietly to bemoan and lament 
over her misfortunes, as many would have done in her situa- 
tion, but was in action at once to endeavor to find a remedy. 
She went, early in the morning to the place where the Papists 
said mass, to see the priest, whom she hoped to persuade to 
follow the vessel, and use his influence to obtain my dis- 
charge. He positively refused. She dwelt upon the many 
obligations under which I had laid his people from time to 
time, and reminded him of those whom I had saved from the 
gallows ; but it was all in vain. Finding persuasion useless, 
she changed her tone and had recourse to threats; she pointed 



WIFE FOLLOWS THE VESSEL. 223 

out to him that he would be very likely to bring upon himself 
the resentment of those in power, if he still persisted in refus- 
ing to assist £, man who was so much and so deservedly es- 
teemed by the Lord Lieutenant and the Council. She suc- 
ceeded no better than before, and seeing the vessel under sail 
she determined to follow by land, and keep it in sight as long 
as she could. 

The weather was clear, calm and mild. The Captain pro- 
ceeded to the Island of Durzey, and found my wife waiting 
upon the promontory for the vessel to get opposite to it. She 
made a signal with her apron tied to the end of a stick, and a 
boat was dispatched to hear what she had to say. She had 
taken the precaution of borrowing a speaking-trumpet, and 
thus she was able to carry on conversation, from the cliflF on 
which she stood, with those who were in the boat below. 
x\fter a great deal of bargaining, and many difl&culties being 
raised and smoothed away, she at last persuaded them to 
agree to my restoration to liberty upon the payment of £100 
sterling. During this discussion I was stretched on my pallet 
between decks, and I was in total ignorance of what was going 
forward. 

My wife went away to borrow the money, and the Priva- 
teer waited oif the Island of Durzey expecting her to return 
with it. She was unable to procure more than £30. the 
greater part of which was from Mr. Boyd, to whom I had 
paid it for rent only five days before we were attacked. Una- 
ble to raise more, she came back to the vessel with that sum, 
accompanied by our son Peter, several of our tenants, and our 
friend Mr. Hutchins of Bear Haven. 

The Captain agreed to give me up on condition of hip 
having the £30 she had brought with her, and retaining on*^ 



224 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

of my sons as a hostage for the payment of the remaining 
£70. He paid her many compliments upon the courage she 
had displayed, and told her he looked upon her as a second 
Judith. 

She replied, " I should have felt more honored if you had 
compared me to Deborah, but I am far from being surprised 
that you should not be well versed in books that you are pro- 
hibited from reading." 

My liberty was restored to me, but it was upon very pain- 
ful conditions, and I felt melancholy indeed at having to leave 
my poor boy in my stead. 

When I left the ship, it was that traitor, of whom I spoke 
before, Sullivan, who took me on his shoulders and climbed 
up the rocks. He had waited upon me all the time I was on 
board the Privateer, for I was as helpless as an infant. I re- 
proached him with his ingratitude and treachery. " How 
could you find in your heart," said I, " after all that I had 
done for you and yours, to act the part of guide to my ene- 
mies ?" 

He replied, " I have not a word to say in excuse for my 
conduct." 

It was late on Monday night, almost Tuesday morning, 
when I was ransomed by the exertions of my wife, and the 
tenderness of my sons ; I say sons, because, though only one 
was left, they were all equally anxious to have taken my place. 
James could not be spared, he was old enough to look after 
the farm, and take care of the few cattle remaining to us. 
Peter, being next in age, would not hear of any one but him- 
self being selected. 

On the night of Tuesday, the eleventh day of October, 
I slept at Bear Haven at the house of Mr. Hutchins, and the 



ENDEAVOK TO KAISE MONEY. 225 

next day I went in a boat to Bautry, in order to have the 
requisite surgical assistance, and in going there we passed 
near enough to have a view of our now desolate mansion. 

My wife waited long enough to see me comfortably settled 
under the care of a skilful French surgeon, and she then went 
to Cork to endeavor to raise the £70, for the payment of 
which Peter had been retained as a hostage. The Bishop lent 
her twenty guineas, and she could easily have borrowed the 
remainder from other friends, but the merchants of Cork, 
upon hearing the particulars of the affair, set their faces 
against the payment of any thing more, and they assured her 
that our son would be liberated without it. Their reasoning 
on the subject was so convincing, that she returned to the 
Bishop what he had so kindly lent to her, and she declined 
borrowing any thing further. She also contrived to have a 
letter privately sent to Peter, exhorting him to keep up his 
courage, and have patience, and that she had no doubt he 
would soon be set at liberty, without ransom, but advised him 
to appear ignorant of it. 

The Privateer hovered about the Island of Durzey for a 
long time, waiting for the money. Peter conducted himself 
remarkably well on board the ship, and evinced much more 
both of prudence and courage than might have been expected 
in so young a lad. The steadiness of his deportment attract- 
ed the attention of the Captain, who placed so much confi- 
dence in him as to give into his charge the key of the liquors, 
and this caused the whole crew to pay court to him. 

While he was on board, the Privateer was one day chased by 

a British man-of-war ; it was proposed to him to hide himself 

in the hold, which he declined ; a musket was then offered to 

him that he might assist in the defence, but he said, " No, I 

10* 



226 MEMOIKS .OF A HrGUJ:NOT FAMILY. 

would rather fight for the English than against them, for X 
regard them as my friends and countrymen." 

The English vessel was inferior in point of sailing, and 
thus they escaped from her. The Captain had a son with him 
about the age of Peter, a vain, disagreeable boy, much disliked 
by the ofi&cers of the ship. He came to Peter one day, in a 
state of intoxication, and with a drawn sword in his hand, 
threatened to kill him. Peter seized a sword to use in self- 
defence, and succeeded in disarming the drunken boy, and 
lowering his importance, much to the satisfaction of the by- 
standers. 

When they reached St. Maloes, the Governor of Brest con- 
demned the Captain very much for his misconduct in bring- 
ing a hostage with him, contrary to the law of nations, and 
he would not suffer Peter to be landed and placed with the 
other prisoners. 

The poor Captain was sadly perplexed, and nothing would 
have pleased him so much as that Peter should run away, and 
thus get him out of his dilemma, and he contrived to have it 
whispered to Peter that he was a great fool not to make his 
escape. He recollected the advice given to him in his mother's 
letter, and very properly considered that it would be an act of 
great folly to leave the vessel in a foreign country, when he 
had every reason to expect that he would be taken home again. 
After remaining a while at St. Maloes, the vessel went out on 
another cruise, Peter still in her. 



CHAPTER XVI. 



Affidavit Wfore Magistrates — KLtaliation uii Fiencli prisoners — Removal to Dnblln— 
Haunted bouse — Appear before Orand Jury — Award — Scliool — Education of cbil- 
dren — Peter enters college — Jolin gets a commission in tlie army — Moses and Francto 
enter college — Moses studies law — Kmiirration to America — Marriage of children — 
Death of my wife — Failure of healtli — Conclusion. 



Leaving Peter on his cruise, I will return to myself. As 
soon as I wa.s well enough to mount a horse. I rode over to 
Kiusale with my son James, and two of the servants, and 
waited on the Chief Magistrate, and made an affidavit to the 
effect, that after capitulating upon terms with the express sti- 
pulation that we should have life and liberty, I had been 
forcibly carried off as a prisoner, and had only been released 
on the payment of £30, an<l leaving one of my sons as a hos- 
tage for the payment of tlie other £70. 

The Governor, or commanding officer of Kinsale, as a re- 
taliatory measure, immediately put all the French officers in 
irons who had been taken in the war, and were stationed 
there. He sent a copy of my affidavit to Plymouth, where 
there were numbers of French prisoners, and all these were 
likewise put in irons. You may suppose the letters of com- 
plaint from Kinsale and Plymouth were very numerous. 

By the time the Captain got back a second time to St. 
Maloes, public feeling was much excited against him. and he 
was summoned to appear before the Governor of Brest 



228 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

who wished to put him in prison, and even threatened to hang 
him. He made the most humble apologies, and was set at 
liberty only upon promising that he would convey Peter im- 
mediately to the place from whence he had taken him. Thus 
was our dear son restored to our arms, and that without our 
having to pay the £70, for which he was taken as a hostage. 

1 took all my family to Dublin except James, and it is un- 
necessary to say that we were in miserable plight. 

I waited upon General Ingoldsby, one of the Council, and 
he presented me at once with an order for £100. which was 
the more acceptable as it was altogether unexpected. He had 
made an application for it as soon as he heard of my misfor- 
tunes, and that £100 was the sura demanded for my ransom. 

I had made the acquaintance of this valuable friend only 
two months before our disaster. He had been deputed by 
Grovernraent to make a tour of inspection along the south-west 
coast of Ireland to select the most suitable harbor on which to 
erect a fortification. I went as far as Dunmannus to meet 
him, thirty-six miles from our house, where I invited him to 
sojourn when he came into the neighborhood. 

He accepted my invitation, and he and his whole retinue 
remained with me three days, during which time I treated 
them as hospitably as I possibly could, making them welcome 
to the best the counti-y afforded. Having had a little notice 
beforehand, we had time to make preparations, and I was able to 
have as many as fourteen or fifteen different dishes on the table 
every day, and a great variety of wine. He has been one of 
my best friends from that day to this. You may here notice 
once more the Providence of Grod, raising up for me. before- 
hand, a powerful friend against the day of need. 

I determined to take up my abode for the future in the 



RElsroVAL TO DUBLIN. 229 

city of Dublin, and to try to maintain my family by keeping 
a school for instruction in Latin, Greek and French. 

I found a house on St. Stephen's Green, that I though! 
would answer our purpose extremely well. It had been 
originally very well built, but was a good deal out of repair, 
owing to its having been long without a tenant ; and it had, 
moreover, the reputation of being haunted by evil spirits. My 
wife and I entertained no apprehension of being disturbed by 
any unearthly visitors, so we were very glad to get this house 
upon lower terms in consequence of the prejudice that existed. 
I obtained a lease of it for ninety and nine years at £10 per 
annum. It was a large house, forty feet square, it had gooc' 
substantial stone walls, and all the carpenters' work was of 
oak. There was a yard and a garden attached to it three 
hundred feet in depth, and the width of the house. 

I was obliged to leave Dublin before we took possession 
of the house, in order to prosecute my claim for damages, 
upon the county of Cork, for injuries received at the hands of 
Irishmen in the French privateer. By law, the county is 
liable to make good all losses sustained by violence and rob 
bery, provided the persons committing the act are natives and 
not foreigners. I had given due notice to the High Constable 
of the Barony, within the time limited by act of Parliament, 
and all that remained for me now to do was to prove the facts 
to the satisfaction of the grand jury of the county of Cork. 
I took my son James and two servants with me as witnesses, 
and T had no difficulty whatever in proving the robbery, and 
also that there were many Irishmen among the assailants. I 
presented an inventory of tlie property I had lost, particular- 
izing those articles which hud been carried away, and thost 
which had been destroyed by lire. 



230 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUKNOT FAMILY. 

No one was more active in my behalf than Captain Cox 
the son of Chancellor Cox, whom I have named before as ac- 
companying the Duke of Ormond to the south of Ireland. Il 
happened that I had made him a present of a handsome 
watch only three days before the privateer attacked us. The 
watch was a good timepiece, but it attracted his notice from 
having a miniature of the late Queen, wife of James II., at 
the back of it. He appeared to admire it so exceedingly that 
I gave it to him, and I was really glad of the opportunity of 
making him an acceptable present. I had received it in bar- 
ter for some of my manufactured goods when I was living in 
Taunton. As soon as he heard of my losses, he proposed to 
return it to me, but I would not consent ; for, if I had not 
given it to him, the pirates would certainly have carried 
it off. 

The gi-and jury examined witnesses, and being fully satis- 
fied that Irishmen had been concerned in the attack and rob- 
bery, they awarded me the sum of £800. to be paid by the 
county of Cork, in conformity with the provisions of an act 
of Parliament. 

I gave my son James a power of attorney, authorizing 
him to receive the money, pay off all debts, and close my ac- 
counts at Bear Haven, and I returned to Dublin. My wife 
had been subject to some annoyance in my absence. I have 
said that the house I had taken was supposed to be haunted, 
and had remained unoccupied from superstitious fears. It ap- 
peared that it had been taken possession of by a party of 
vagrants, who were in the habit of alarming persons who at- 
tempted to occupy it, and thus arose the evil reputation of the 
house. When my wife went to it. these people told her they 
had been permitted to live in the house while it was untenant- 



HAUNTED HOUSE. 231 

ed, and begged to be allowed to remain a few days longer 
It was not in her kind nature to refuse such a favor. 

The first night neither she nor the children — they were all 
in one room — could get any sleep for the constant noises 
they heard. The old occupants were trying the game upon 
her which had been successful with others who had attempted 
to live in the house. She was very suspicious as to the noise 
being made by beings of flesh and blood and not by spirits. 
She bore it the first night, and, believing she had discovered 
the secret, she made her preparations accordingly for the 
second night. ' 

She borrowed firearms and swords, called the inmates 
together before dark, and warned them to be sure not to leave 
their rooms if the noises should recur during the night, be- 
cause she had provided herself with firearms, and she and 
her son had determined to make use of them against the evil 
spirit that made the disturbance ; therefore^ they would 
see the propriety of keeping out of the way for fear they 
might be killed by accident. As may be supposed, the evil 
spirits were heard no more. 

On my return, I made them all quit the premises : I had 
the house thoroughly repaired, made some alterations to fit it 
for a large family, and when all was completed, I found that 
it had cost me £450. In this house I have lived ever since 
I have had a good school, taking both boarders and day 
scholars ; and I have thus been able to give my children an 
education inferior in no respect to that bestowed upon the first 
nobles of the land. They have had masters for writing, draw- 
ing, dancing, and fencing ; and with me they have prosecuted 
their studies in Latin, Greek, geography, mathematics, and 
fortification. I have never spared any expense, either for 



232 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

boys or girls, by which I could give them greater opportuni- 
ties of education and general improvement. My daughters 
have been instructed in drawing, and in every variety of or- 
namental needlework, in addition to the more solid branches 
of education. 

Let us pause a moment for reflection upon the mercies 
and loving-kindness of our Heavenly Father, and our own 
short-sightedness. How distressing did it appear to me to 
lose, by the fisheries at Bear Haven, the property for which 
I had toiled year after year ! When the final blow came by 
which we were so disastrously stripped of every thing, it ap- 
peared to be overwhelming ; and yet without it, I should 
never, most probably, have had the means to clear myself of 
debt, and I should have been obliged to spend the residue of 
my days at Bear Haven, and have had to bring you all up in 
that desert, where it would have been absolutely impossible 
for me to have given you the excellent education you have re- 
ceived in Dublin ; and from this I wish you to arrive at the 
conclusion, that God knows what is good for us much better 
than we do ourselves. If this becomes your settled convic- 
tion, there is no language equal to describing the peace ot 
mind that it will cause. For my own part, I endeavor to re- 
ceive with perfect submission every dispensation from the 
hand of my Maker ; even though I see nothing but poverty, 
sorrows, and afilictions, grievous to the flesh, I can wait pa- 
tiently his good time, for I know that in the end the result 
will be for the benefit of me and mine. 

Here follows an incident quite to the purpose. General 
Ingoldsby, whose friendship for me was such that he was al- 
ways on the look-out for something to benefit me, thought he 
had hit upon a plan that would be very agreeable to me. Ha 



GENERAL INGOLPSBy's KINDNESS. 23,'l 

had received orders to send all the half-pay officers, that were 
in Ireland, to Spain, and he entered the names of my sons 
Peter and John upon the list, without saying any thing to us 
until it was done. The boys were wild with joy at the idea 
of entering the army, and escaping from the drudgery of 
study. 

I gave them but little recreation, it is true ; I tried, how- 
ever, to make it easy by alternations from one employment to 
another so as to relieve the mind by variety. Latin and 
Greek were studies which they were obliged to attend to as 
tasks. I endeavored to make them look upon all the other 
things which they learned as relaxation and indulgence. 

Mr. Secretary Dawson was not so favorably disposed, as 
General Ingoldsby was, towards us, and he refused to make 
out the commissions for my sons. He told the General that 
he had exceeded his powers by entering, upon the half-pay 
list, officers who had never served. Our kind friend was 
much chagrined at this unexpected obstacle, but he told us not 
to fret and he should probably yet have it in his power to 
serve us. The boys were most grievously disappointed ; T 
was not. I had felt unwilling to decline an offer that 
promised to be advantageous, and which my sons were them- 
selves so desirous to accept, but at the same time I thought 
them fully too young to venture from the shelter of a parent's 
wing. I also preferred their continuing longer at study. 

The half-pay officers embarked at Cork to go to Ply- 
mouth, there to join the fleet for Spain, my sons not of the 
number. On the passage, they were attacked by a French 
man-of-war, and though confessedly so inferior in size as not 
to warrant resistance, yet the officers of the army who were 
on board, being very numerous, would not consent to '•ur 



234 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMHA'. 

render without a fight — as mere passengers they should not 
have had a voice in the matter — and in the engagement which 
took pUice, one half were killed, almost all the remainder 
wounded, and they were obliged to surrender. 

When the sad news reached us, I returned thanks to God 
with my whole heart for his having refused to me and mine 
what had been so ardently desired. Oh ! my dear children, 
learu to place your trust in that Providence which will pre- 
serve you, even in spite of yourselves, if you will only trust 
in it. What a comfort it is to be able to realize that we are 
under the especial care of so wise, so powerful and so benev- 
olent a Guide, one who only refuses to our prayers that which 
he knows would be prejudicial to us. 

In the month of June, 1711, Peter was ready to enter 
college. Dr. Hall was to be his tutor, and he with the great- 
est kindness and generosity declined receiving the usual fees 
with him. He did the same by Moses and Francis when they 
went to college, by which I consider he made me a present of 
£35 or £36. In addition to this he procured a room for them 
free of rent and charges, which would have amounted to £27 
more, and all this from pure benevolence and generosity, for 
we had never done any thing to deserve such kindness at his 
hands. 

About this time, Lord Wharton being now the Lord Lieu- 
tenant of Ireland, an order was received instructing him to 
dispatch all the regiments that were in Ireland to Spain. In 
examining the troops, it was found that a great many sons ot 
officers had been entered, who were mere children, therefore, 
before sending the regiments abroad, the Lord Lieutenant 
struck off the roll all under sixteen years of age, as too young 
for service. He was a little too fond of money, and he availed 



JOHN OBTAINS A COMMISSION, 23 



ZOO 



himself of tlie vacancies he had created, to add to his store, 
by selling the commissions for money. 

John had set his heart upon being a soldier, and, by the 
advice of General Ingoldsby, I took the young man with mo 
to wait upon Lord Wharton, to apply for a commission. F 
told him my circumstances would not allow of my purchasing 
one, I showed him some specimens of military drawings mad« 
by John. He was pleased with his appearance, and said it 
was a pity that one so handsome and so well formed should 
not have a commission, but still he did not promise to give 
him one, for he hoped to find purchasers for the whole. 

I renewed my application from time to time, and at last, 
on the very eve of departure, finding that some of the com- 
missions were unsold, General Ingoldsby went himself to the 
Lord Lieutenant and obtained an Ensign's commission for 
John, without our having to pay any thing more than the fees 
of ofiice. The necessary expenses for his equipment amounted 
to £75. He was in the regiment commanded by Colonel 
Shawe, a cruel, avaricious man, a drunkard and a debauchee 
who looked upon him with an evil eye, because he had entered 
the army through the favor of General Ingoldsby. 

I leave John to tell his own story of his sufl'erings and 
mortification under such a Colonel, and of the severe illness he 
had in Spain. I feel myself bound, however, to acknowledge, 
in this place, the great goodness of God, in returning him to 
us safe and sound. He received several wounds himself and 
had -TJunded others, being often obliged to put his hand to 
his sword, but he never killed any body. I bless God, most 
especially for having preserved him amid dissolute companions, 
and scenes of temptation, from acquiring any vicious habit, 
and I earnestly beseech him to continue his fatherly protection 



iiii6 mp:moiks of a huguenot family. 

In Juue, 1712, Moses and Frauds entered college with 
great approbation from all the Professors. 

Francis was very young, and small of his age, but he had 
excellent talents which he had most diligently cultivated. He 
had also enough of self-confidence to bring all his acquire- 
ments into play, and do himself full justice. He was the ad- 
miration of the whole college as long as he remained there, 
which was seven years and a half. 

I purchased an apartment in the college, for the use of 
the three, and after painting, putting necessary articles of fur- 
niture in it, and making closets, it stood me in £42. They 
always had the use of this room without interruption or in- 
trusion from any one, and when the two older ones left col- 
lege, and Francis was there alone, I made interest that he 
should have no companion. My object was to avoid the pos- 
sibility of their being corrupted by vicious companions, or 
drawn from their studies by idle ones, which very often hap- 
pens to young persons whose principles are not firmly estab- 
lished. Thanks be to God, they preserved their purity of 
manners and holiness of life. 

About two years afterwards, I entered Moses on the books 
of the Inns of Court at the Temple, in London, because he 
intended to be a lawyer. He continued to study with great 
assiduity, and was well endowed in point of talent, but he had 
a most painful timidity and reserve. He went to London in 
1715, and remained a year and some months ; he then came 
home, and took his degree of Bachelor of Arts, for it was my 
wish that he should have it in his power to pursue the study 
of Theology, if he should hereafter find that he preferred 
it to law. 

"While Moses was in London, I went to the expense of en- 



CAPTAIN BOUI.Ay's OFFER. 237 

tering Francis also at the Temple. Ke was of a very quick and 
ready turn, and had the gift of fluency of speech in a remark 
able degree, which made me think he might choose the law 
for his profession, but thanks be to God, he has chosen to de- 
dicate himself to His service, and to prepare himself for the 
holy ministry. 

In the month of November, 1713, Captain Boulay, a French 
gentleman, a half-pay cavalry officer, with whom I had not the 
slightest acquaintance, called upon me to offer his grand- 
daughter in marriage to one of my sons. She was his sole de- 
scendant, her father and mother were both dead, and she was to 
inherit all his property. He told me he had heard an excel- 
lent report of my sons, that they had been well brought up, 
and conducted themselves with propriety on every occasion, 
being free from the follies and vices of the age, and this had 
made him wish to secure one of them as a protector for his 
grand-child when his head should be laid low. He said be 
preferred in the husband of his child virtue without fortune, 
to the largest property unaccompanied by the piety and dis- 
cretion which he believed them to have. He was upwards of 
eighty years of age; his grand-daughter, Elizabeth Fourreau, 
was about thirteen. 

I thanked him very much for the flattering terms in which 
he had made the proposal, and toM liim I thought the best 
plan would be for him to send her to us, as though she were a 
boarder, and then we might observe which of my sons liked 
her the best, and for which of them she might feel a preference. 

This plan met his views, and she came to live with us. We 
found her to be a girl of very amiable temper, sweet disposi- 
tion, and very fair natural talents, but her education had been 
extremely neglected. 



238 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

My sons cousulted with each other about their feelings on 
the subject of the proposed marriage, and Peter, by the ad- 
vice of his brothers, determined upon it. 

Marriage articles were drawn up, and on the 29th March. 
1714, the marriage took place with great privacy, because 
Peter had not yet taken his degree of Bachelor of Arts. 

It was about this time that we began to turn our eyes to- 
wards America, as a country that would be most suitable for 
the future residence of the family. 

John, tlie officer, was without employment, it was therefore 
determined that he should make a voyage to America, travel 
through every part where the climate was temperate, and 
purchase a plantation, in such situation as he judged would 
prove in all respects the most advantageous. 

He landed in Virginia, travelled through that colony, as 
well as through parts of Maryland, Pennsylvania and New 
Jersey, to the town of New- York. He came to the conclu- 
sion that Virginia presented the most desirable circumstances, 
taking every thing into consideration ; he purchased a planta- 
tion there, and also found a parish or benefice in the vicinity 
of his pui'chase, which he thought would suit Peter, and wrote 
to him to that efi'ect. 

Captain Boulay died in March. 1715, which made Peter 
the owner of £1000. He had taken his degree, and was 
ready to be ordained at the time he received John's letter. 
He accordingly went to London, and received ordination from 
the hands of the Bishop of London, who is also Bishop of all 
the British colonies. 

In February or March. Moses conducted Peter's wife to 
jcin him in London ; they embarked thence for Virginia, 
wliLTo tliey found John ijiipatieiitly expecting them; and I 



APPLICATION TO LOKD GALWAT. 289 

have had the satisfaction of hearing from them that tney are 
comfortably settled iu their new home. 

Moses remained in London, studying law with great dili 
gence. 

Francis was still at college, and a close student. 

I was engaged all the time with my school ; I had scholars 
enough to enable me to meet the heavy expenditure which had 
been going on, both iu the maintenance of my family, and the 
education of my children. 

I now felt that I had done for my sons all that was neces- 
sary ; I ceased to feel anxious for them. They were all old 
enough to maintain themselves ; but I could not help feel- 
ing anxious about the future support of my wife and daugh- 
ters. Should I be taken from them they would have no- 
thing, for I had not been able to lay up any thing for them. 
My pension would cease at my death, and the school, of 
course ; so they would, to all appearance, be left destitute. 

Lord Galway was now Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, and as 
he was my friend, I thought I might, through his aid, make an 
arrangement, by which my pension would be continued to my 
wife and daughters. I waited upon him. and explained to 
him my cause of anxiety, and begged that he would transfer 
my pension to my wife and daughters — one shilling a day ta 
my wife, and two shillings each to my two daughters. Ho 
granted me the favor ; he had my name erased on the pen- 
sion list, and the names of my wife and daughters inserted m 
the place, by which I had very nearly lost the pension alto- 
gether, without my wife and daughters gaining it. 

The list which Lord Galway sent to London was not ap- 
proved of; and many persons were deprived of their pensions 
under oircumstances exactly similar to mine. The same 



940 MEirOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

good orod, whose providential care I have so often pointed 
out to you, befriended me once more, and raised up for me 
friends in Parliament, who spoke so warmly in my behalf, 
when the subject came under discussion, that I was re- 
instated in my pension as before. 

While this was going on, my eldest daughter, Mary Anne, 
was married, with the consent of the whole family, on the 
twentieth of October, 1716, to Matthew Maury, of Castel 
Mauron, Gascony. He was a very honest man, and a good 
economist, but without property. He had lived in Dublin for 
two years, having come thither from France as a Refugee. 

James was the next who went to Virginia. He sailed in 
April, 1717, and took with him his wife and child, and his 
mother-in-law. They had a very disastrous voyage ; the ves- 
sel sprung a leak, and they were obliged to work the pumps 
night and day, without intermission, for twenty-six days. 
They arrived in safety at last. John met them, conducted 
them to a house he had provided for them, where he had most 
considerately laid up grain ready for their use. 

In the same year, my son-in-law, Mr. Maury, went to 
Virginia, and he was so much pleased with the appearance 
of the country, that he took a portion of the land John had 
purchased, made preparations for a small dwelling-house to 
be erected upon it, and returned for his wife, and a son that 
had been born to him during his absence. They left us in 
the month of September, 1719. 

In this year Moses became disgusted with the study of 
law ; he had some scruples of conscience about the practice 
of it ; and his natural difl&dence was unfavorable to success. 
i wished him exceedingly to study Theology, but I could i.ot 
persuade him. He said he knew that it would be impossi uie 



FKANCIS ORDAINED. 241 

for him ever to speak in public. He made up his mind to 
be an engraver, which I did not approve of, after having 
given him an education to fit him for one of the learned pro- 
fessions. He would not do any thing without my consent, 
and he continued so resolute in his wish, that I was obliged 
to yield ; and in the year 1719, he bound himself apprentice 
to an engraver. I am told he is a very good artist. It is 
certain that he evinced a decided talent for drawing, when he 
was instructed in the art as a boy. May Grod bless and 
prosper him in an employment which he allowed him to show 
so strong a preference for. 

John returned to London from Virginia in the month of 
July, 1719, and he soon after came home to us, and remained 
more than a year, when he accompanied Francis to London. 
The latter had been devoted to study from infancy, and had 
determined to be a preacher of the Gospel. He had taken 
his degree of Master of Arts, and he was well skilled in the 
Oriental Languages, as well as in all the more usual branches 
of college education. The Archbishop of Dublin gave him a 
most particular letter of recommendation to the Bishop of 
London, from whom he received both Deacon's and Priest's 
orders, and many marks of kindness. He was married, in 
London, to Miss Mary Glanisson, a young lady of French 
parentage, the family originally from Jonzac, in Saintonge. 

The Bishop of London furnished him with a letter of in- 
troducfion to the Governor of Virginia, and he and his wife 
soon afterwards sailed for that colony. When he arrived, he 
was so much admired by all who heard him preach, that many 
parishes were desirous to have him for their pastor, and he 
gained the esteem and friendship of all who came in contact 
with him. He is settled in St. Margaret's Parish, King 
11 



242 MEMOIRS OK A IIUGUEKOT FAMILY. 

William County, where lie is so much beloved, that his pa 
rishioners have bestowed favors upon him, such as no previous 
minister had received from them. I have lately had the gra- 
tification of hearing from him that God has given him a son. 
John, becoming weary of passing his time without any set- 
tled occupation, has been learning the trade of a watchmaker, 
from his cousin, Peter Forestier, with whom he always boarded 
when he went to London. His reputation was great for making 
repeating watches. I find, by a late letter from John, that 
he has begun to work on his own account, which I am pleased 
to hear, for it will make him independent, in case he should 
be deprived of the half-pay which he has hitherto received. 

I have now, my dear children, given you a brief statement 
of the present condition of each one of you, and I hope that 
you will add your individual histories to this, for the benefit 
of those who come after you. 

My memoirs draw near a close. Your poor mother had 
suffered much from rheumatism for three years before John 
and Francis left us ; this painful disorder continued to in- 
crease upon her till she was no longer able to go to churchy 
and her spirits became much depressed under this privation 
Finally, her complaint turned to dropsy, and she was unable to 
leave her bed. On the twenty -ninth of January, 1721, her 
BuflFerings were ended by death. 

A melancholy day it was that deprived me of my greatest 
earthly comfort and consolation ! I was bowed to the very 
dust, but it made me think of my own latter end, and gave me 
a wholesome warning to prepare myself to join her. 

During her illness, our dear daughter Elizabeth supplied 
the place of all her brothers and her sister, who had left her 
alone to comfort and sustain her aged parents ; she took the 



KAH-IKK OF UKALTH. 243 

greatest possible care of her mother, she never spared herself 
ill any way. but did every thing cheerfully that she thought 
would be acceptable or beneficial. 

Though I was sadly overpowered and much enfeebled, by 
this great affliction. I continued to attend to the duties of my 
school until the month of September, in the same year. My 
health then became so bad that I broke up my school, dis- 
missed the boarders as well as the day-scholars, in order that 
I might be at leisure to prepare for the great and awful change 
that I was assured could not be far distant. It was my wish 
to withdraw from worldly care and die in peace. 

After remaining some months in a deplorable state, suffer- 
ing from constant low fever and other distressing symptoms, 
given over by my physicians, and without the least expecta- 
tion of recovery on iny own part. I was severely attacked with 
the gout, from which I had been free for eighteen months, and 
this new disorder drove away all others. The fever disap- 
peared, my appetite returned, and I have continued ever since 
in a tolerable state of health, though suffering from debility, 
finding it difficult to use my limbs, and walking with great pain. 

Your sister Elizabeth has, all this time, given me constant 
proofs of her affection and tenderness. She has never caused 
me the least pain except by her tears, which she has not at 
all times been able to restrain, and by the unceasing attention 
to me, wliich has made me afraid her own health would suffer. 
She has had a bad cold occasionally ; but Grod, in his infinite 
mercy, has preserved her to me, and I thank him for thiij very 
great consolation. I recommend this dear daughter most 
especially to the care of her brothers and sister. You must 
remember, my dear children, she is the one who has smoothed 
the downward path of life for her parents, and has performeJ 



244 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMUA'. 

those tender offices which you all owe to them, but which your 
absence precluded you from performing. 

I had written to John and Moses, to tell them I would 
send these memoirs to them, that they might make a copy for 
their own use before this was sent to Virginia. They replied 
that they would much prefer retaining the copy written with 
ray own hand, and they would send that which they should 
write to Virginia. The expression of this most natural wish, 
has induced me to write a second copy with my own hand. 
God has prolonged my life, and given me leisure ; therefore I 
have felt it my duty to do it myself, as well to gratify them 
as to save them trouble, and prevent their being taken from 
their profitable employments to write it. I am sure those in 
Virginia will value this the more for being in ray own handwrit- 
ing. I have copied it word for word from the other, and have 
finished it this twenty-first day of June, 1722. If by any ac- 
cident one copy should be lost, the other may be referred to. 

I feel the strongest conviction, that if you will take care 
of these memoirs, your descendants will read them with plea- 
sure, and I here declare that I have been most particular as 
to the truth of all that is herein recorded. 

I hope God will bless the work, and that by his grace 
it may be a bond of union amongst you and your descendants, 
and that it may be a humble means of confirming you all in 
the fear of the Lord. 

If our Heavenly Father, whose blessing I have implored 
upon the work, should vouchsafe to make use of it as an in- 
strument for the advancement of His glory, and your eternal 
welfare, I shall think myself more than recorapensed for all 
my trouble. I am, ray dear children, 

Your tender father, 

James Fontaine 



JOUJIML OF JOHN FONTAINE. 



The Journal* commences on the 16th September, 1710. 
when he obtained an ensign's commission in Lord Shaw's regi- 
ment of foot. He was rather young to enter the service, only 
seventeen years old. 

On the 1st February, 1710-1 l,the troops embarked at Cork, 
and put to sea immediately. The weather was very stormy, 
and one of the transports foundered at sea, having on board 
three companies under Colonel Chester. That on board of 
which John Fontaine was a passenger, arrived in safety at 
Plymouth on the 11th February. On the 26th March, the 
troops sailed for Spain, and encountered bad weather again, 
which caused them to put into Torbay. They anchored off 
Lisbon on the 22d April, and reached Barcelona on the last 
of May. There the troops were thinned by disease and vio- 
lence. John observes : " There may be good laws in this coun- 

* In the preceding narrative, there is mention made of a Journal kept 
by John Fontaine. This lias been .-^eiit to nie, with j^reat kindness, by his 
descendants, who are now liviiiir in the neighborhood of London. T cannot 
refrain from expressing my admiration of the piety and excellence of my 
kinswomen, at the same time that I make my acknowledgments for their 
contril)ution towards the completion of our family aimals. Their lives are 
in all respects such as one might hope and expect to tind in those descended 
from a long line of pious ancestry. 



240 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT JAMII.V. 

try ; but if there be, it is certain they do not put them in 
execution. And what is to be admired amongst these bigoted 
people is, that they do not punish murderers, but will rather 
protect them. If any man is murdered, it is commonly near 
a church ; the murderer runs there at once, and then it is 
sacrilege to lay hands on him. He is protected fron the haw 
and the party offended, and also maintained, and furnished 
with a friar's habit, the better to hide his villainy ; and pass- 
ports are provided from convent to convent, until he is in a 
safe place." 

"The country," he says, " seems to be very fruitful, but 
there are not people to cultivate the lands. All along the 
sea-shore, where there is the best land, places are not settled, 
because the Moors very often make descents, and carry away 
with them all they can get ; and they make slaves of the peo- 
ple which they catch." 

John appears to have been a very observing young travel- 
ler, his journal containing minute descriptions of what he saw 
in Barcelona, Terragona, Majorca, and Minorca, which I have 
not thought it worth while to give in this volume. 

" The latter end of November, 1712, we had orders to era- 
bark ; and as we were leaving Barcelona, the poor Spaniards, 
seeing they were left in the lurch, they called us traitors, and 
all the most vile names they could invent ; and the common 
people threw stones at us, saying we had betrayed them into 
the hands of King Philip. It was with a great deal of diffi- 
culty we embarked." 

The troops remained some time in the islands of Majorca 
and Minorca, and returned to England in the year 1713. 
without ever having had any engagement with the enemy. 
John went from Bristol to London by the stage-coach, which 



JOURNAL OF JOHN FONTAINE. 24T 

at that time occupied three days.* He spent a short time 
with his rehitions, the Arnaulds, in London, and then set 
out for Ireland. He bought a horse, which carried him to 
Chester in five days ; and from there to Holyhead in three 
days ; and he crossed the Channel to Dublin in two days. 

He spent some months at home, during which he employed 
himself in studying navigation, preparatory to a voyage across 
the Atlantic, which he contemplated making, in order to pur- 
chase land in some part of North America, to which it would 
be suitable for the family to emigrate. He was entirely at 
leisure after his return from Spain, and was therefore glad to 
make his taste for travelling subservient to the plans for the 
future good of his brothers and sisters. 

He proceeded to Cork to take passage for Virginia, and 
after waiting from the 13th November to 3d December, 1714, 
the ship Dove, of Biddeford, made her appearance in the har- 
bor, and he engaged passage on board of her for hi'mself and 
four servants, for which he paid £25 sterling. He took out a 
few goods as an adventure, and amongst them some Bibles, 
Prayer-Books, and writing-paper, for account of Mr. Binauld, 
a French Refugee, who had a printing establishment in Dublin. 

A Journal of our intended voyage, by God's assistance. 
in the Dove, of Biddeford, Captain John Shapley. commander. 

1th Dec. 1714. — We embarked, and on the 10th the wind 
proving fair, we set sail for the Virginias, with God's blessing. 

For the first week they had fair winds, and made respect- 
able progress. Poor John was sea-sick for several days. 

\Qth Dec. — Wind N.E., not verv hard. We sailed five or 

* The same journey is wow accoinplislu*d by railway in three hours. 



248 lyfEMOiRS OF a huguenot familt. 

six knots the hour. We see many sea-hogs. We had no right 
observation. The method of taking an observation at sea: — 
You see first as high as you can the latitude you think your- 
self in ; then you fix your veins ; and then look for the hori- 
zon. You must observe that if the shade of the sun comes to 
the upper part of the slit of the horizon vein, and that the sun 
is at his full height, and that you see your horizon through 
the slit of the horizon vein, then you are assured of a good 
observation. You must begin to look before the sun is at his 
full height, that you may see him at the highest, and you must 
continue till you find him declining ; and when you find the 
sun declining, you must leave ofi" observing. Then take oflf 
the degrees of the quadrant, and look in the table for the 
sun's declination, which you must subtract from your latitude 
by observation, and the remainder will be the latitude of the 
place you are in. Now^ as the sun is going from us, we sub- 
tract, but when he comes to us, we must add. 

* * * * « * 

20^A Dec. — Wind S.W., very stormy ; and not being able 

to bear sail, we lowered our fore-sail and put a reef in our 

mainsail, and so lay under our mizzen, driving to the north-east 

all night. The weather thick, and in the morning rainy, 

which assuaged somewhat the winds ; but the greatness of the 

sea made us to continue under our mizzen-sail. We shipped 

some water, and see thousands of sea-hogs. We lay to the 

westward of the Azores, where, commonly, there is bad weather. 
# * * # * * 

25i/i, Christmas. — Wind W. by N., very stormy and rainy. 
Not able to carry any sail, so we lay by under our mizzen 
A mighty sea. Remained so all day and night, and made but 
an ordinary Christmas. Peas as hard as shot for breakfast 



JOURNAL OF JOIIK FONTAINE. 249 

Two fowls killed by the bad weather, for dinner, and stirabout 
for supper. In good health, God be praised. 

26iA, Sunday. — Wind W. by N. At 5 in the morning, 
not quite so stormy, but a great sea and much rain. We set 
our main-sail and fore-sail, and steered S. by E. at the rate oi 
three knots per hour. Provisions scant, all our fowls dead. 

21th. — Winds from N. W. to W. by S., very varying, rainy, 
cloudy, dismal and stormy, the sea great and raging, and we 
not able to carry any sail. 

'2'Bith. — The wind at S. W., very stormy. We endeavored 
to scud before the wind, but the ship would not steer, so we 
were forced to bring to under our mizzen, driving at the 
mercy of the sea. The sea was extraordinary great. At the 
rising of the moon, a star rose close after and followed the 
moon, which the sailors said was a great sign of a tempest, 
and upon the like occasions that it commonly happens. 

29th. — The wind rose and blew very hard in the morning, 
and increased continually till it blew a tempest. About 10 
at night, we were obliged to take in our mizzen and lay under 
bare poles, and about two hours and a half after the wind 
blew so terribly in the rigging that it clapt one side of the 
ship under water, and the sea water came in from the steer- 
age door in such abundance, that had it continued long it 
would have filled the ship. The sailors were for cutting 
away the mainmast, but two went up and cut away the main- 
top-mast, and then the ship righted. The main-top-mast fell 
overboard, but all the ropes not being cut, the sea drove the 
mast with such violence against the side of the ship that we 
were afraid it would stave her through ; but at last we got 
clear, and cut all the ropes which held, and were in hopes 
that we should receive no further damage, but that was not 
11* 



250 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

God's pleasure. Half an hour after one, the wind blowing 
most dreadfully, and the night dark as it possibly could be 
the sea looked like a fire, and foamed upon our deck ready to 
tear us in pieces. One wave came on board which tore away 
our bowsprit close to the foot of the fore-mast, and the shock 
was so terrible that we thought the ship was stove in pieces. 
What a terrible cry the people gave, expecting to go down 
every minute ; but it was God's will that nothing was broke 
but the bowsprit, which was striking, at every sea, violently 
against the ship's head. Two of our best sailors went up the 
fore-mast, to cut away the fore topmast and the ropes that 
held the bowsprit. In the mean time we shipped another sea, 
which carried away the fore-mast, close by the board, and one 
of the men that was in the round top was carried with it into 
the sea ; the other man had his body bruised between the mast 
and the side of the ship, but not unto death, God be praised. 
He that fell in the sea, a rope had him by the leg, so that 
he fell into the sea, but got no farther hurt than that the 
rope hurt his leg. He got in safe, but had drank so much 
salt water, and worked himself so, that he was not able to 
stir. By the time these two were well in the steerage, an- 
other comes in that had almost cut off his left hand, as he 
was cutting the ropes to let the masts go clear. These three 
men were disabled, the best men that we had. What can be 
imagined more terrible than to see the head of the ship all 
under water, and the sea foaming amongst us upon the deck, 
and the men that remained almost disheartened, and those 
poor men that were disabled, grieving that they could not 
help themselves, and encouraging the rest to disengage the 
ship from the foremast and bowsprit, which were a thumping 
the ship to that degree, that we expected every minute the 



JOUKXAL OF JOHN FONTAINE. 251 

masts would come through. We were encompassed with 
death and horror within and without, and it would make the 
most brave to submit himself. What could we think, to see 
so many misfortunes, one after the other, but that it was 
God's pleasure we should perish, and be destroyed for our 
wickedness. But when we called upon him for relief, he 
helped us, and at last we got quit of our fore-mast and bow- 
sprit without any damage to the sides of the ship. 

How the Lord doth show us, that it is not by the arm of 
flesh we are preserved from the raging and terrible sea, but 
by his almighty hand and powerful outstretched arm. 
Lord, we see that it is in thee alone we must trust, and have 
all hopes of relief from thee, and thou showest us this day, 
as our lives are witness of, that it is not in vain to humble 
ourselves before thee, and call upon our God and Saviour in 
the time of distress. Help us, therefore, God, to perform 
what we have promised unto thee in our great distress. 
Thou hast granted unto us our lives, strengthen us by thy 
grace to employ the remaining part to thy honor and praise 
never forgetting how sweet thy help is, when no other can 
help. Lord, it is not only on this occasion that thou hast 
been pleased to preserve my life to me in imminent danger, 
but several times ; therefore, let me never forget these thy 
blessings. Make me to be thankful to thee, and help me to 
perform thy commandments to the uttermost of my power, 
until the end of my days. Amen. 

oOth. — We lay under our mizzen all the day like a log of 
wood, and suffered much by the greatness of the winds and 
sea, being most always under water. We comforted ourselves, 
Beeing that through God's infinite mercy lie had preserved us 
until now. The wind was at N. AV. very shf)wery and full of 

W4iil. 



252 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILT. 

3l5^. — We lay a hull, with our mizzen-sail out. We ship 
ped several seas, and were almost continually under water. 
The wind, God be praised, had somewhat fallen, as also the 
sea, but not being in a capacity for proceeding on the voyage 
to Virginia, for want of masts and sails, — we were then 400 
leagues to the westward of Cape Clear in Ireland, — about 
twelve of the clock, we all consulted what was best and most 
proper, to continue on to Virginia, or to return to Europe. 
All the sailors with one consent, gave their voice to set sail 
for England or some part of Europe, lest by continuing on 
the voyage to Virginia, either for want of provisions or rig- 
ging, we should perish. The wind being at W. by N., we set 
our mainsail, and mizzen-sail before for a stay-sail, and steered 
our course for England, W. by S., but made little way. We 
were, by our reckoning, in the lat. 42° 20', and were further 
westward than the Island of Flores, which is the most west- 
ern island of the Azores. 

We are setting our ship in as good order as we can, but 
she is miserably shattered. We hope God will continue the 
wind fair for Europe. 

1714-15, \ St January. — The wind at S.W. by S., something 
calmer, but the sea running very high. We lay by under our 
main-sail, but rolled miserably for want of masts and sails. 
We received several very dangerous seas that night, which we 
feared would founder us, but God was pleased to preserve us 
from all these threatening dangers. We made of our main- 
Bail, a sprit-sail to make the ship steer ; we also took down 
our mizzen top-mast, and fastened our main-mast, as well as 
we could, with our running tackle ; and we are preparing sails, 
and contriving some posture to put the ship in, waiting for 
fair weather, when God will be pleased to send it. 



JOUKNAL OF JOHN FONTAmE. 253 

We are almost wasted by the violent motion of the ship, 
being without masts ; but we still trust in Thee, God, and 
wait patiently for our deliverance by thy Almighty hand. 
Stretch forth thine arm to us. Lord, and bear us up in this 
our distress, lest we sink and fall under the weight of our sins. 
Suffer us not to repine against thee in our trouble, but let us 
confess that we merit to be afflicted. Thou hast, Lord, 
given for us thy only Son, our Lord Jesus Christ: to his merits 
we fly, and through him we hope for salvation. Do thou par- 
don us, Lord, and accept of these our imperfect prayers, 
and if thou seest fit to take us to thyself, do thou also cleanse 
us, that we may be worthy of appearing before thee. All 
these thoughts come now before us, because we see death as if 
it were playing before our eyes, waiting for the sentence of 
Almighty God to destroy us. Nothing makes this sight so 
terrible as our sins, and it is our weakness and ignorance that 
makes us think more of death now than when we are at our 
own homes, and in our accounted places of security. If we 
rightly considered, we should think ourselves safer here than 
if we were in prosperity at home, for it is the devil's greatest 
cunning to put in our hearts that we are in a safe place, that 
we have long to live, and that a final repentance will be suffi- 
cient for our salvation. God, give us grace that while we 
live, we may live unto thee, and have death always before our 
eyes, which most certainly will not cheat us, but come at last 
and take us out of this troublesome life, and if we are pre- 
pared for it, then we shall have our recompense for past watch- 
fulness; therefore, let us cast off this world, so far as it may be 
prejudicial to our everlasting inheritance, and seek after thy 
laws, expecting mercy through the merits of our blessed Sa 
viour and Redeemer. Amen. 



254 MEMOIRS OK A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

2f/ Jciti. — Wind S. by W. A fresh gale. By our observa- 
tiou, wc found ourselves to be iu the lat. 43° 00^'; aud that by 
our reckoning, we were 338 leagues to the westward of the Old 
Head of Kinsale. 

All the mariners came to the master, and told him that if 
they proceeded on the voyage to Virginia, they were sure to 
perish by the way, and told him that they would not proceed 
but would return to Europe. The master would not consent 
to it without they made a protest against the ship, that she 
was not able to go to Virginia. I wrote the protest, they 
signed it, and we set our sails, and our course N. N E. The 
wind being fair, and blowing fresh, we went at the rate of four 
knots per hour. About two of the clock in the morning we 
shipped two seas that we thought would have foundered the 
ship ; but, God be praised, we received no great damage. All 
our men are recovering of their wounds and bruises. I am, 
God be praised, in health. By the log we have made this last 
twenty-four hours 40 miles of our way homewards. 

Zd. — Wind hard at S. W., a great swell ; we steered our 
course N. E., and this twenty-four hours we made 58 miles. 
No observation. We shipped several seas, but not dangerous. 
The weather looks as if it would clear up. We saw some birds 
we call marline-spikes, mars, and rake-bats. We esteem our- 
selves by our dead reckoning to be in the lat. 45° 30^'. 

Uh. Jan. — Wind S. by W., tolerable. We steered our 
course E. N. E. by N. This twenty-four hours we made 46 
miles. No observation. We took out our mizzen-mast, aud 
will put it in for a fore-mast as soon as the weather will per 
mit. We are always wet upon deck, and the ship rolls most 
terribly. We reckon ourselves to be in the lat. 46° 00''. 
5th. — Wind S. by W.. blowing so hard that we could carry 



JOURNAL OF JOHN FONTAINE. 255 

uo sail. We got a spare main-yard, which we put up for a 
mizzeu-mast. We roll enough to tear the ship to pieces. The 
weather dark and hazy, always wet upon the deck as in the 
sea. No observation. 

Qth Jan. — Wind S. by E., stormy. We lay under a skirt 
of our main-sail, and so drove as the wind and sea carried us. 
The ship rolls enough to distract one, and is always shipping 
water. Give us grace, Lord, to amend our lives by these 
warnings. 

7th Jan. — Wind S. by E., stormy. A great sea, and we 
laying under a reefed main-sail. We shipped several seas. 
One carried away our main-tack, another came part in the 
steerage. We were forced to reef our main-sail, not able to 
bear any, the wind so stormy. We had but an indifferent ob- 
servation, and think ourselves to be in lat. 49° 30^', and reckon 
ourselves to be 258 leagues to the westward of the Land's 
End. In a miserable condition for want of rigging. 

^th Jan. — Wind S. by E., tempestuous. A terrible sea. 
About six of the clock in the morning, we were struck with a 
violent sea in the quarter and waist of the ship, and we all 
felt assured we should perish. We received several other seas, 
but not so terrible. No observation this day. 

God, be pleased to sustain us, for we are brought to 
nothing. Turn thy face towards us, look upon our afflictions, 
and take pity upon us, most miserable sinners. 

^th Jan. — Wind S. by W. No observation. Weather 
thick, wind abated. We lay under our main-sail. The sea 
doth not break over us as it did, but there is still a great 
swell. We are in the lat. 50° 00'^ and west from the Land's 
End 260 leagues. 

\^th Jzn. — The wind S. W. by S., the weather fair and 



256 MEMOIES OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

the sea somewhat assuaged. We have an observation, and find 
ourselves to be in the lat. 51° 2 W^, and by our reckoning dis- 
tant west from the Land's End 220 leagues. 

Wt.h Jan. — Wind S. W. by S., very hard, and the sea 
runs high. We esteem ourselves to be in lat. 51® 50.'' Cold. 

I2th Jan. — The wind about ten at night came from the 
S. to W. by S., somewhat fair. We set our main-sail, and 
made oui" course E. by S. until about nine of the clock in the 
morning. Then the wind blew so hard that we were able to 
carry no sail. It came to a storm. We shipped two seas, 
but received no damage. No observation, but reckon our- 
selves to be in lat. 51® 30^'. West of the Laud's End in Eng- 
land 200 leagues. 

i3^/i Jan. — Wind W. N. W., abated, and about five of 
the clock this morning we set our reefed main-sail. We sailed 
about three knots per hour, and esteem ourselves to be in the 
lat. 51° 10'', and distant from the Land's End 175 leagues. 
About twelve of the clock in the night we shipped a sea that 
broke our waist board, and afterwards another struck us in 
the stern, but did us no great damage. We are securing our 
bit of a fore-mast. Hazy and cold weather. 

\MJi Jan. — Wind AV. by S., and almost calm. Our course 
steered S. E. We made between two and three knots per 
hour. We had a good observation, and found ourselves in 
lat. 51° 00", and distant from the Land's End of England 
160 leagues. The weather clears up, and the swell of the 
sea is something abated. Our ship is as well rigged as we 
can afford. 

15^/i Jan. — Wind at S. by E., very hard, so that we can 
carry no sail. It so continued for about nine hours, after- 
wards it cleared up, and was more moderate, so we set our 



JOURNAL OF JOHN FONTAINE. 257 

sails and steered our course W. by N. ; went at the rate of 
three knots per hour. Thick weather, no observation, but 
esteem ourselves to be in lat. 5 1 ° 00''^. 

\6th Jan. — The wind came about S. by E. to N. After 
several heavy showers of rain, we set our sails at about three 
in the morning, and made three knots and a half per hour. 
The wind moderate, but the weather thick, so that we had no 
good observation. We esteem ourselves to be in lat. 51° 00''', 
and west from Land's End 160 leagues. We saw a wild 
duck, which attempted several times to come on board, but 
at last fell into the sea by our side. 

\7t.h Jan. — The wind at N. W., a hard gale, but still we 
carried our main- sail, and steered our course S. E., and went 
by our log at the rate of five knots per hour. We had no ob- 
servation, but by our reckoning we esteem ourselves to be in 
lat. 50° 50''', and distant from the Land's End 120 leagues. 

By this day we may see that thy mercies are soon forgotten. 
Now that our miserable companions think they are out of dan- 
ger, they forget all thy mercies to them, and bemoan their 
losses, repining against thy Providence for afflicting them. 
Lord, give us grace to consider, that notwithstanding the wind 
doth not at this time blow hard nor the sea rage, yet we are 
still in thy hands, and we have deserved more afflictions than 
we have sufiiered. 

I8th Jan. — Wind W. by S. We steered our course S. E. 
by E., and went at the rate of four knots per hour, but not 
ble to carry sail, being under our poles. Weather hazy. 

I9th Jan. — Wind W. by S., a good gale. Steered our 
course E. by S. We had an observation, and found ourselves 
to be in lat. 50° 24'', and westward from the Land's End of 
England GO leagues. 



258 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUEXOT FA^flLY. 

Continue, Lord, thy favors to us. Let thy Almighty 
hand be with us to conduct us to a place of safety. 

20th Jan.— Wind S. by W. and S. W. ; blew very hard. 
We lay under our mainsail. About seven of the clock, the 
wind fell and we set our sails. 

2lst Jan. — Wind at W. by S. ; a fair gale. About six in 
the afternoon we hove the lead, and found ground at sixty 
fathoms. The first the lead brought up was fine gray sand ; 
sounded again, and found gray sand mixed with shells, some- 
thing reddish, and blue stones. About ten of the clock in 
the morning we saw a brigantine on our starboard quarter 
that bore N. N. E. of us. We made signals of distress to her, 
but she would not come to us, so we did not speak to her. At 
eleven we met with a sloop belonging to Cork, and spoke 
with her. She told us that Scilly bore from us 14 leagues 
E. ; but at twelve we had an observation, and found ourselves 
to be inthelat. 60° 41'^; and by our reckoning Scilly bears of 
us about ten leagues E. by N. We steered our course E. 
Northerly, and ran at the rate of three and a half knots per 
hour. 

22d. — Wind S. W. We ran at the rate of four knots per 
hour. At two of the clock we saw the Island of Lundy, and, 
at one, it bore of us E. Northerly ; at three we were up with 
the south end of the island, and the pilots came on board ; 
and at twelve at night we cast anchor in Clove Alley Road. 

23c?. — Weighed anchor at Clove Alley, and came over the 
bar of Biddeford. Though the weather was calm there was 
a great swell on the bar. We came over at three quarters 
flood, and in the shoalest place we found three fathoms water 
I remained on board that night, and unbaled all Mr. Bi- 
nauld's goods and distributed them amongst the sailors. I 



JOURNAL OF JOHN FONTAINE. 25S 

wrote to my father and to Mr. Arnauld, and sent the letter 
to the post by the master of the ship. I lay on board that 
night, not well, but God be praised, delivered from the dan^ 
gers of the sea. We cast anchor before Appledore, a hand- 
some village. 

. 24t/i. — In the morning I went ashore, where I met with the 
son of Mr. Smith. I immediately hired a horse, and went to 
Biddeford, where I met with Mr. Smith, the owner of the 
ship. I spoke to him about the Bibles and paper, and in- 
quired what he intended to do about the ship. He promised 
me he would make her ready as soon as possible, and send 
her immediately to Virginia. I went and took up my lodging 
at the post-house, at the rate of seven shillings per week, for 
diet and all. I was much out of order, so I went to bed im- 
mediately, and slept heartily. # # # # * 
The repairs of the vessel were completed in about a 
month, and on the 28th February, she sailed a second time 
for Virginia with the same crew ; the sailors, after all their 
hardships and dangers, consented to go again, relinquishing 
all claim for wages for the three months spent at sea, and in 
undergoing repairs. 

We have the entire journal of the voyage, but nothing remark- 
able occurred upon it. On the 1 1 th April they fell in with 
two ships, of which the following mention is made : '• We see 
two ships, both under Turkish colors, which bore of us W. by 
N. When within a league of us, one of them fired a gun, 
and when within a mile, the other fired ; they made us bring 
to. then they hoisted out their boats and came on board of us, 
and would have bought any thing of us, but the master was 
afraid to trade with them. We found that they were Spaniards 
come from the river De la Plata ; they were laden with plate 



260 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT EAMU^Y. 

furs and skins. They had been three years out of Cadiz, in 
Spain, and were now bound home. "We told them the first 
news of the peace, which rejoiced them. They were very 
civil, and paid well for what little things they had of us. Each 
galleon was about five hundred tons, and had forty guns a 
piece mounted, and full of men. Their reckoning and ours 
agreed very well together." #*#*## 

^Z'oth May, 1715. — About nine of the clock in the morning 
we saw the land, about twelve we were up with Cape Henry. 
I saw a ship bound for London, and sent a word by them to 
my father to say I was well. 

'nth. — We continued, wind being fair, and before night we 
passed over the horse-shoe, and by two in the morning 
we came by the wolf-trap, and about ten we entered the 
mouth of Potomac river, which is made by Virginia on 
the west side, and Maryland on the east side. The rivers 
here are the finest I ever was in ; all the borders are covered 
with noble trees. 

I have not been on shore as yet, but the planters, who 
have been on board, inform me that there is not much tobacco 
in the country this year. 

Idith. — In the morning, about ten of the clock, I landed 
in Virginia, and walked about four miles to the Collector's, 
one Mr. MacCartney, where I stayed till night, and then got 
a permit to land my things, which cost me an English crown. 
I inquired if my men would do well there, but I found no en- 
couragement. 

A guinea passes for twenty-six shillings, and all foreign 
coin goes by weight. An ounce of silver passes for six shil- 
lings and threepence, and four pennyweights of gold for 
twenty shillings. 



.JOURNAL OF JOHN FONTAINE. 201 

29?/i, Sunddy. — About 8 of the clock we came ashore, 
and went to church, which is about four miles from the place 
where we landed. The day was very hot, and the roads very 
dusty. We got to church a little late, but had part of the 
sermon. The people seemed to me pale and yellow. After the 
minister had made an end, every one of the men pulled out his 
pipe, and smoked a pipe of tobacco. I informed myself more 
about my own business, and found that Williamsburg was tho 
only place for my design. 

I was invited to dinner by one Mrs. Hughes, who lent me 
a horse, and the master of the ship another, and we went to her 
house, and dined there, and returned to the ship after dinner. 

30^//.— In the morning I went to one Captain Eskridge 
and bargained with him for a shallop to go to Williamsburg. 
I am to give him five pounds for the hire of her, and to main- 
tain my people. I went with the sloop to the Dove, and 
loaded my goods, and made all things ready for this second 
voyage. I lay on board the ship, where we had several plan- 
ters who got drunk that night. 

3l5^. — This morning Captain Eskridge came on board our 
ship, and he agreed to receive his five pounds in goods, at 50 
per cent. I gave him 

One piece of linen, 20 yards, at 3s. 4d. 

Eight pair of shoes, at 4s. . 

One pair of gloves, ..... 

£5 

And so we left the ship, and went that day as far as a 
place called Cove, and here we remained the night, and had a 
gust, but it did no damage. 



£3 


6 8 


1 


12 





1 4 



262 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

1st June. — Wind N. W. We set our sails, and came 
within three miles of Wicomico, and the wind fell calm. 

2d. — Wind contrary and calm. We went a fowling, and 
killed two fishing-hawks, and went to see some of the planters, 
who treated us well. 

Sr/. — We set sail, and made shift to get as far as New 
Point Comfort, where we cast anchor. A gust of rain, which 
wet us through. 

Ath. — W^e set sail, and came as far as Yorktown, and we 
landed at Gloucester, supped there, and lay that night. This 
town is on one side of York River, and Yorktown on the other 
side, opposite to it. 

5th. — We set sail in the morning, had a fresh gale — as 
much as we could do to carry sail. About 12 we came to 
Queen's Creek, and about 3 to the landing of Williamsburg. 
I left the men in the sloop, and went up to the town, which is 
about a mile from the landing-place. 

&.h. — In the morning I hired two carts, and brought my 
goods up to town, and agreed for a lodging for myself, for 
diet and all, for twenty-six shillings per month. I hired a 
shop and a house for my people, and writ to my father. 

7th. — I waited upon Governor Spotswood, and he assured 
me of all he could do. He invited me to dine, which I accept- 
ed of 

I remained in Williamsburg until the 6th September, and 
made several acquaintances. I also met with an old brother 
officer, Mr. Irewin. He did me a great deal of service. 

9^/i November. — At eight of the clock in the morning, Mr. 
Clayton and I, we waited on Governor Spotswood, to tell him 
we were going to the Germantown, to know if he had any ser- 
vice there. We breakfasted with him, and at nine we monated 



JOURNAL OF JOHN FONTAINE. 263 

our horses,' and set out from Williamsburg — the roads verj' 
good and level. About four of the clock we came to Mrs. 
Root's, 25 miles from Williamsburg, where we crossed York 
River to West Point. I reckon the river to be about one 
mile and a half over at this place. This river of York di- 
vides itself here, where we landed, into two rivers, the north 
branch called Mattapony River, and the south branch Pa- 
munkey River. Both of these rivers are navigable for above 
forty miles from the place where they fork. At a quarter 
after five we mounted our hoi'ses. and rid about five miles far- 
ther, and came to one Mr. xiustiu Moor's house, upon Pa- 
munkey River, where we were well entertained. We had 
good wine and victuals. We made this day in all, thirty-one 
miles and a half, the miles of the same length as those in 
England, and the roads good. 

lOth. Sunday. — King William County. — We remain« 
ed here all this day. I went to see Mr. Moor's improve- 
ments in the marsh, where, by draining, he hath very good 
hay. We are very kindly received here. My horse is run 
away. 

1 \th. — Not being in any hopes of finding ray horse, I bor- 
rowed one of Mr. Moor. About nine of the clock we sent thd 
horses over Mattapony River, in the boat, and at ten we took 
our leave of Mr. Moor and his wife, and went in a canoe, 
which is made of the body of a large tree that is about three 
feet in diameter, which they saw off about twenty feet long 
and afterwards saw off a slab of it, and then dig it hollow. 
Six or eight men may go in one of these canoes. As we were 
going along the marsh, I saw the nest of a musk-rat This 
animal is about twice as big as a London rat, and the same 
color as a beaver. It lives botli in the water and on the 



264 MEMOIRS OF A HUGLTENOT FAMILY. 

land. I went to bis nest, which was made in the marsh, of 
reeds, and made about the bigness of a half hogshead. I 
pulled this building to pieces, and found that it was made 
two stories high, and four rooms in it — two of a floor — the 
rooms were in the form of a pair of spectacles, two under- 
ground, and two above. 

We continued on to the other side of the river, which is 
King and Queen County. At eleven of the clock we mounted 
our horses, and went this day to Mr. Baylor's, where we put 
up, and were well entertained. He lives upon Mattapony 
River, and is one of the greatest dealers for tobacco in the 
country. 

I2th. — About seven of the clock we breakfasted ; about 
nine, a servant of Mr. Moor's brought me my horse to Mr. 
Baylor's, and at eleven we took our leave, and continued on 
our way. The day very windy. We see by the side of the 
road an Indian cabin, which was built with posts put into the 
ground, the one by the other as close as they could stand, 
and about seven feet high, all of an equal length. It was 
built four-square, and a sort of a roof upon it, covered with 
the bark of trees. They say it keeps out the rain very well. 
The Indian women were all naked, only a girdle they had 
tied round the waist, and about a yard of blanketing put be- 
tween their legs, and fastened one end under the fore-part oi 
the girdle, and the other behind. Their beds were mats made 
of bulrushes, upon which they lie, and have one blanket to 
cover them. All the household goods was a pot. 

We continued on our road, and saw several squirrels, and 
were on horseback till ten of the clock at night, and then ar- 
rived at Mr. Robert Beverley's house, which they reckon from 
Mr. Baylor's thirty miles. The roads very good. Here we 
were well received. 



JOURNAL OF JOHN FONTAINE. 265 

loth. — It being blowy and showery weather we remained 
here. After breakfast we went to see Mr. Beverley's vine- 
yard. This Beverley is the same that made the History of 
Virginia. When we were in his vineyard we saw the several 
sorts of vines which are natural, and grow here in the woods. 
This vineyard is situated upon the side of a hill, and consists 
of about three acres of land ; he assures us that he made this 
year about four hundred gallons of wine. He hath been at 
great expenses about this improvement. He hath also caves 
and a wine press ; but according to the method they use in 
Spain, he hath not the right method for it, nor his vineyard 
is not rightly managed. He hath several plants of French 
vines amongst them. 

lAth. — The weather was very bad, and rained hard. We 
were very kindly received. We diverted ourselves within 
doors, and drank very heartily of the wine of his own mak- 
ing, which was good ; but I found by the taste of the wine, 
that he did not understand how to make it. This man lives 
well ; but though rich, he has nothing in or about his house 
but what is necessary. He hath good beds in his house, but 
no curtains ; and instead of cane chairs, he hath stools made 
of wood. He lives upon the product of his land. 

I5th. — Blowing weather. Mr. Beverley would not suflFer 
us to go. He told me that the reason he had for making so 
large a vineyard was, that about four years ago he made a 
wager with the gentlemen of the country, who thought it im- 
possible to bring a vineyard to any perfection. The follow- 
ing was the agreement : If he would give them one guinea 
then, in hand, they would give him ten, if, in seven years' 
time, he could cultivate a vineyard that would yield, at one 
vintage, seven hundred gallons of wine. Mr. Beverley gave a 
12 



266 MEMOIRS OP' A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

hundred guineas upon the above-mentioned terms, and I do 
not in the least doubt but the next year he will make the 
seven hundred gallons, and win the thousand guineas. We 
were very merry with the wine of his own making, and drank 
prosperity to the vineyard. 

\6th. — Mr. Beverley detained us, and we went out a hunt- 
ing. We saw several deer, but could kill none. We shot 
some squirrels and partridges, and went round a great tract of 
land that belongs to him, and returned home. We passed the 
time away very agreeably, and so to bed. 

I7th, Sunday. — About ten of the clock, we mounted our 
horses, Mr. Beverley with us, and we went about seven miles 
to his Parish Church, where we had a good sermon from a 
Frenchman named Mr. De Latane, who is minister of this 
parish. After service, we returned to Mr. Beverley's house, 
and finished the day there. 

\Sth. — Mr. Beverley's son hindered us from proceeding on 
our journey this day, by promising to set out with ua the next 
morning ; so we took our guns, and went a hunting. We 
killed some squirrels and partridges, but did no hurt to the 
wild turkeys nor deer, though we saw several. To-day we 
went to some of the planters' houses, and diverted ourselves 
for some time, and so returned to our friend's house, and 
passed away the evening merrily. 

I9th. — In the morning, about nine of the clock, we mounted 
our horses, and took our leave of Mr. Beverley. His son came 
along with us ; it rained hard from eleven until twelve. About 
three we came to a place upon Kappahannoc River, called 
Taliaferro's Mount, from whence we had a feeble view of the 
Appalachian Mountains, and a fine view of the river, which ia 
navigable for large ships, and has several fine islands in it. 



JOURNAL OF JOHN FONTAINE. 'JOT 

When we had satisfied our sight, we continued ou our journey, 
and about six we arrived at one Mrs Woodford's, who lives 
upon Rappahanuoc River, in a very agreeable place. This day 
we made thirty miles. This place is ten miles below the Falls 
of Rappahannoc River, and forty miles from the German set- 
tlement, where we design to go. We saw upon the river abun- 
dance of geese, ducks, and water-pheasants. We were kindly 
entertained. 

2Qth. — At seven in the morning, we took our leave of Mrs. 
Woodford. The gentlewoman gave us provisions with us, and 
we put on our way, and at the distance of about five miles we 
came upon a tract of three thousand acres of land, which is in 
the disposal of Mr. Beverley, which he told me, when I was at 
his house, he would sell me at the rate of £7 10 per hundred 
acres. I rode over part of the land, and found it to be well 
timbered and good It fronts upon the river of Rappahan- 
noc about half a mile, where vessels of a hundred tons, or 
sloops may come. Five miles above it, I saw a small river 
which runs through the heart of the land, which river they 
call Massaponax, and is fit to set mills on. I would have 
agreed for this tract of land, but that Mr. Beverley would not 
dispose of it as commonly land is disposed of, but would have 
the deeds made to me for nine hundred and ninety-nine years, 
which I would not consent to. but insisted on having it for me 
and my heirs for ever ; so I did not buy the land of him. 

We continued on our way until we came five miles above 
this land, and there we went to see the Falls of Rappahannoc 
River. The water runs with such violence over the rocks and 
large stones that are in the river, that it is almost impossible 
for boat or canoe to go up or down in safety. After we had 
satisfied our curiosity, we continued on the road. About five 



208 MKMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

we crossed a bridge that was made by the Germans, and about 
six we arrived at the German settlement. We went immedi- 
ately to the minister's house. We found nothing to eat, but 
lived on our small provisions, and lay upon good straw. We 
passed the night very indifferently. 

2lst. — Our beds not being very easy, as soon as it was day, 
we got up. It rained hard, but notwithstanding, we walked 
about the town, which is palisaded with stakes stuck in the 
ground, and laid close the one to the other, and of substance 
to bear out a musket-shot. There are but nine families, and 
they have nine houses, built all in a line ; and before every 
house, about twenty feet distant from it, they have small sheds 
built for their hogs and hens, so that the hog-sties and houses 
make a street. The place that is paled in is a pentagon, very 
regularly laid out ; and in the very centre there is a block- 
house, made with five sides, which answer to the five sides of 
the great in closure ; there are loop-holes through it, from 
which you may see all the inside of the inclosure. This 
was intended for a retreat for the people, in case they 
were not able to defend the palisadoes, if attacked by the 
Indians. 

They make use of this block-house for divine service. 
They go to prayers constantly once a day, and have two ser- 
mons on Sunday. We went to hear them perform their ser- 
vice, which was done in their own language, which we did not 
understand ; but they seemed to be very devout, and sang the 
psalms very well. 

This town or settlement lies upon Rappahannoc River, 
thirty miles above the Falls, and thirty miles from any inhab- 
itants. The Germans live very miserably. We would tarry 
here some time, but for want of provisions we are obliged to 



JOUKNAL OF JOHN FONTAINE. 269 

go. Wc got from t!ic minister a bit of smoked beef and cab- 
bage, wliich were very ordinary and dirtily drest. 

We made a collection between us three of about thirty 
shillings for the minister ; and about twelve of the clock wc 
took our leave, and set out to return ; the weather hazy, and 
small rain. In less than three hours we saw nineteen deer. 
About six of the clock we arrived at Mr. Smith's house, which 
is almost upon the Falls of Rappahannoc River. We have 
made this day thirty miles. Mr. Smith was not at home, but 
his housekeeper entertained us well ; we had a good turkey 
for dinner, and beds to lie on. 

22f/. — At seven in the morning we mounted our horses, and 
we met upon the road with two huntsmen ; we went with tliem 
into the woods, and in half an hour they shot a buck and a 
doe, and took them on their horses. So we left them, and 
continued on our road, and about four of the clock we arrived 
at one Mr. Buckner's house, upon Rappahannoc River, where 
we tarried the night. We had good punch, and were very 
merry. 

2od. — At eight in the morning breakfasted, got our horses, 
and continued on our road. About eleven we met with Mr. 
Beverley, and went with him to see a piece of land he had to 
sell, containing five hundred acres. It lies upon Rappahan- 
noc River, and fronts one mile on the river, and on one side of 
it there is a large creek navigable for sloops, and an old house 
upon the land, with one hundred acres of cleared land about 
it ; the otlier four hundred acres have wood growing on it, 
but all the large timber is cut down. He asked £50 per hun- 
dred for it, which I thought too dear, and wc could not agree. 
We saw several wild turkeys in our way, but had no arms 
with us. About seven o'clock at night we arrived at Mr 



270 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

Beverley's house. We made, this day, about thirty-eight 
miles. 

24Z/2. — At eight in the morning, we got on horseback, and 
took our leave of Mr. Beverley and his son, who left us, and 
so we put on our journey till we came to Mr. Thomas AValk- 
er's house upon Mattapony River. Here we set up that 
night, and were well entertained, and made in all this day 
twenty-five miles. 

25^/i. — My horse proving lame, I was obliged to leave him 
at Mr. Walker's. I hired a horse, and from thence we went 
to King and Queen Court House, where we dined and tarried 
till four in the afternoon, and were invited by Captain Story 
to his house. We went with him and tarried all night, and 
we had but indifferent entertainment. 

26i/i. — In the morning we crossed York River ferry to the 
brick house. About one, we put up at Fourier's Ordinary, 
where we dined, and at two we set out from thence, and at 
five in the afternoon we arrived at Williamsburg. 

This journey, going and coming from Williamsburg to the 
German settlement comes to 292 miles, besides ferriages, and 
cost me about £3 10. 

Our Journalist appears to have remained quietly at 
Williamsburg until April, 1716, when he thus proceeds in his 
narration : 

The Governor proposed a journey to his settlement, on 
Meherrin River, called Christanna. 
/ April^ 1716, Williamsburg. — The first day. Governor 
Spotwood and I set out from Williamsburg about eight of the 
clock in the morning, and we went to Jamestown in a four- 
wheeled chaise. Jamestown is eight miles from Williams- 
burg, and situated close upon James River. This town con- 



JOURNAL OF .TOITX FONTAINE. 271 

sists chiefly in a Cliuich. a Court House, and three or foui 
brick houses, it was the former seat of the Government, but 
now it is reuioved to Middle Plantation, which they call Wil- 
liamsburg. The place where this town is built is on an 
island, it was fortifii'd with a small rampart with embrasures 
but now all is gone to ruin. 

Our horses were ferried over before us ; we left the chaise 
at Jamestown, and about ten of the clock we were in the 
ferry boat, and crossed the river, which they reckon to be 
about two miles broad at this place. When we arrived at the 
other side of the river, we mounted our horses, and set out 
on the journey. It rained all this day very fast, and we were 
well wet. About two of the clock we put into a planter's 
house and dined upon our own provisions, and fed our horses; 
and about three, we mounted our horses, and came to a place 
called Simmons' Ferry, upon Nottoway River. There was a 
great fresh in the river, so that we were obliged to swim our 
horses over, and to pass over ourselves in a canoe ; then we 
mounted our horses and put on till we came to one Mr. Hicks' 
plantation, upon one of the branches of Meherrin River, called 
Herring Creek. The man of the house was not at home, so 
we fared but indifferently. We made in all this day 65 
miles. 

Api-il^ the 2d day. — We set out with a guide for Christanna, 
for this house is the most outward settlement on this side of 
V'^irginia, which is the south side. We have no roads here to 
conduct us, nor inhabitants to direct the traveller. We met 
with several Indians, and about twelve we came to Meherrin 
River opposite to Christanna Fort. We saw this day several 
fine tracts of land, and plains called savannas, which lie along 
by the river side, much like unto our low meadow lands in 



272 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

Eugland ; there is neither tree nor shrub that grows upon 
these plains, nothing but good grass, which, for want of being 
naowed or eaten down by cattle, grows rank and coarse. 
These places are not miry, but good and firm ground ; they 
are subject to inundation after great rains and when the rivers 
overflow, but there is seldom over six or eight inches of water, 
which might easily be prevented by ditching. 

About half after twelve we crossed the river in a canoe, 
and went up to the Fort, which is built upon rising ground. 
It is an inclosure of five sides, made only with palisadoes, and 
instead of five bastions, there are five houses, which defend 
the one the other ; each side is about one hundred yards long. 
There are five cannon, which were fired to welcome the Gov- 
ernor. There are twelve men here continually to keep the 
place. After all the ceremony was over, we came into the 
fort and were well entertained. The day proving wet and 
windy, we remained within doors, and employed ourselves 
in reading of Mr. Charles Grifiin his observations on the 
benefit of a solitary life. We reckon that we made this day 
fifteen miles ; in all, from Williamsburg, eighty miles. 

The 3f/ day. — About nine in the morning we got up and 
breakfasted. Mr. Griffin, who is an Englishman, is employed 
by the government to teach the Indian children, and to bring 
them to Christianity. He remains in this place, and teaches 
them the English tongue, and to read the Bible and Common 
Prayers, as also to write. He hath been now a year amongst 
them, and hath had good success. He told the Governor that 
the Indian chiefs or great men, as they style themselves, were 
coming to the fort to compliment him. These Indians are 
called Saponey Indians, and are always at peace with the 
English ; they consist of about two hundred persons, men, 



JOITKNAL OF JOHN FONTAINE. 273 

women, and children ; they live within musket-shot of the 
fort, and are protected by the English from the insults of the 
other Indians, who are at difference with the English ; they 
pay a tribute every year to renew and confirm the peace, and 
show their submission. This nation hath no king at present, 
I. lit is governed by twelve of their old men, which have 
power to act for the whole nation, and they will all stand 
to every thing that these twelve men agree to, as their own 
act. 

About twelve of the clock the twelve old men came to the 
fort, and brought with them several skins, and as soon as they 
came to the Governor, they laid them at his feet, and then all 
of them as one man made a bow to the Gi-overnor : they then 
desired an interpreter, saying they had something to repre- 
sent to him, notwithstanding some of them could speak good 
English. It is a constant maxim amongst the Indians in gen- 
eral, that even if they can speak and understand English, yet 
when they treat of any thing that concerns their nation, they 
will not treat but in their own language, and that by an inter- 
preter, and they will not answer any question made to them 
without it be in their own tongue. 

The Governor got an interpreter, after which they stood 
silent for a while, and after they had spit several times upon 
the ground, one of them began to speak, and assured the 
Governor of the satisfaction they had of seeing him amongst 
them, and of the good-will they had towards the English. 
They said that some of the English had wronged them in 
some things, which they would make appear, and desired he 
would get justice done to them, that they depended upon him 
for it : which the Governor promised he would, and he thank- 
ed them for the good opinion they had of his justice towards 
12* 



274 MEMOIKS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILl 

them ; whereupon they all made a bow, aud so sav down on 
the ground all around the Governor. 

The first complaint they made was against another nation 
of Indians called Genitoes, who had surprised a party of their 
young men that had been out a hunting, and murdered fifteen 
of them, without any reason. They desired of the Governor 
to assist them to go out to war with these Genito Indians, 
until they had killed as many of them ; but this the Governor 
could not grant. He told them he would permit them to re- 
venge themselves, and help them to powder and ball, at which 
they seemed somewhat rejoiced. They also complained against 
some of the English, who had cheated them. The Governor 
paid them in full for what they could make out that they were 
wronged of by the English, which satisfied them, and after- 
wards he made them farewell presents, and so dismissed them. 

About three of the clock, came sixty of the young men 
with feathers in their hair and run through their ears, their 
faces painted with blue and vermilion, their hair cut in many 
forms, some on one side of the head, and some on both, and 
others on the upper part of the head, making it stand like a 
cock's-comb, and they had blue and red blankets wrapped 
about them. They dress themselves after this manner when 
they go to war the one with the other, so they call it their 
war-dress, and it really is very terrible, and makes them look 
like so many furies. These young men made no speeches, 
they only walked up and down, seeming to be very proud of 
their most abominable dress. 

After this came the young women ; they all have long 
straight black hair, which comes down to the waist ; they 
had each of them a blanket tied round the waist, and 
hanging down about the legs like a petticoat. They have no 



JOTIKNAL OF JOHN FONTAINE. 27H 

shifts, and most of tbem notliing to cover them from the waist 
upwards ; others of them there were that had two deer skint- 
sewed together and thrown over their shoulders like a mantle. 
They all of them grease their bodies and heads with bear's 
oil, which, with the smoke of their cabins, gives them an ugly 
smell. They are very modest and very true to their husbands. 
They are straight and well limbed, good shape, and extraor- 
dinary good features, as well the men as the women. They 
look wild, and are mighty shy of an Englishman, and will 
not let you touch them. The men marry but one wife, and 
cannot marry any more until she die, or grow so old that she 
cannot bear any more children ; then the man may take 
another wife, but is obliged to keep them both and maintain 
them. They take one another without ceremony. 

The Wi day. — In the morning I rid out with the Gover- 
nor and some of the people of the fort, to view the lands, 
which were not yet taken up. We saw several fine tracts of 
land, well watered, and good places to make mills on. I had 
a mind to take some of it up, so I asked the Governor if he 
would permit me to take up 3,000 acres, and he gave me his 
promise for it. I went through the laud I designed to take 
up, and viewed it. It lies upon both sides of Meherrin River, 
and I design to have it in a long square, so that I shall have 
at least three miles of the river in the tract. I am informed 
that this river disgorgeth itself into the Sound of Currytuck. 
This river, though large and deep, is not navigable, because of 
the great rocks it falls over in some places. There is a great 
deal of fish in this place ; we had two for dinner — about six- 
teen inches long — which were very good and firm. 

I gave ten shillings to Captain Hicks for his trouble in 
showing me the land, and he promises that he will assist me 



276 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

in the surveying of it. We saw several turkeys and deer, bul 
we killed none. We returned to the fort about five of the 
clock. 

The 5th day. — After breakfast, I went down to the Sa- 
poney Indian town, which is about a musket-shot from the fort. 
I walked round to view it. It licth in a plain by the river- 
side, the houses join all the one to the other, and altogether 
make a circle : the walls are large pieces of timber which are 
o(juared, and being sharpened at the lower end, are put down 
two feet in the ground, and stand about seven feet above the 
ground. These posts are laid as close as possible the one to 
the other, and when they are all fixed after this manner, they 
make a roof with rafters, and cover the house with oak or 
hickory bark, which they strip off in great flakes, and lay it 
so closely that no rain can come in. Some Indian houses are 
covered in a circular manner, which they do by getting long 
saplings, sticking each end in the ground, and so covering them 
with bark ; but there are none of the houses in this town so 
covered. There are three ways for entering into this town or 
circle of houses, which are passages of about six feet wide, 
between two of the houses. All the doors are on the inside 
of tlie ring, and the ground is very level withinside, which is 
in common between all the people to divert themselves. There 
is in the centre of the circle a great stump of a tree ; I asked 
the reason they left that standing, and they informed me it 
was for one of their head men to stand upon when he had 
any thing of consequence to relate to them, so that being 
raised, he might the better be heard. 

The Indian women bind their children to a board that is 
cut after the shape of the child : there are two pieces at the 
bottom of this board to tie the two legs of the child to, and 



.loruXAT, OF JOHN FONTAINE. 277 

a piece cut out behind, so tliat all that the child doth falls 
from him, and he is never dirty. The head or top of the 
board is round, and thex-e is a hole through the top of it for a 
string to be passed through, so that when the women tire of 
holding them, or have a mind to work, they hang the board to 
the limb of a tree, or to a pin in a post for that purpose, and 
there the children' swing about and divert themselves, out of 
the reach of any thing that may hurt them. They are kept 
in this way till nearly two years old, which I believe is the 
reason they are all so straight, and so few of them lame or 
odd-shaped. Their houses are pretty large, they have no 
garrets, and no other light than the door, and that which 
conies from the hole in the top of the house which is to let 
out the smoke. They make their fires always in the middle 
of the house ; the chief of their household goods is a pot and 
some wooden dishes and trays, which they make themselves , 
they seldom have any thing to sit upon, but squat upon the 
ground ; they have small divisions in their houses to sleep in, 
which they make of mats made of buUrushes ; they have bed- 
steads, raised about two feet from the ground, upon which they 
lay bear and deer skins, and all the covering they have is a 
blanket. These people have no sort of tame creatures, but 
live entirely upon their hunting and the corn which their wives 
cultivate. They live as lazily and miserably as any people in 
the world. 

Between the town and the river, upon the river side, there 
are several little huts built with wattles, in the fbrm of an 
oven, with a small door in one end of it ; these wattles are 
plaistered without side very closely with clay, they are big 
enough to hold a man, and are called sweating-houses. When 
they have any sickness, they get ten or twelve pebble stones 



278 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

which they heat in the fire, and when they are red-hot they 
carry them into these little huts, and the sick man or woman 
goes in naked, only a blanket with him, and they shut the 
door upon them, and there they sit and sweat until they are 
no more able to support it, and then they go out naked and 
immediately jump into the water over head and ears, and this 
is the remedy they have for all distempers. 

The Qth day. — The Governor sent for all the young boys, 
and they brought with them their bows, and he got an axe, 
which he stuck up, and made them all shoot by turns at the eye 
of the axe, which was about twenty yards distant. Knives and 
looking-glasses were the prizes for which they shot, and they 
were very dexterous at this exercise, and often shot through 
the eye of the axe. This diversion continued about an hour 
The Governor then asked the boys to dance a war dance, so 
they all prepared for it, and made a great ring ; the musician 
being come, he sat himself in the middle of the ring ; all the 
instrument he had was a piece of board and two small sticks ; 
the board he set upon his lap. and began to sing a doleful 
tune, and by striking on the board with his sticks, he accom- 
panied his voice ; he made several antic motions, and sometimes 
shrieked hideously, which was answered by the boys. As the 
men sung, so the boys danced all round, endeavoring who 
could outdo the one the other in antic motions and hideous 
cries, the movements answering in some way to the time of 
the music. All that I could remark by their actions was, 
that they were representing how they attacked their enemies, 
and relating one to the other how many of the other Indians 
they had killed, and how they did it. making all the motions 
in this dance as if they were actually in the action. By this 
lively representation of their warring, one may see the base 



.TOUR>*.\T. OF .TOIIX KOXTAINK. 279 

way they have of surprising and murdering the one the other, 
and their inhuman manner of murdering all the prisoners, and 
what terrible cries they have, they who are conquerors. After 
the dance was over, the Governor treated all the boys, but 
they were so little used to have a belly full, that they rather 
devoured their victuals than any thing else. So this day 
ended. 

The 7th day. — After breakfast we assembled ourselves, 
and read the Common Prayer.* There was with us eight of 
the Indian boys who answered very well to the prayers, and 
understood what was read. After prayers we dined, and in 
the afternoon we walked abroad to see the land, which is well 
timbered and very good. We returned to the fort and 
supped. Nothing remarkable. 

The 8th day. — About ten in the morning there came to 
the fort ten of the Meherrin Indians, laden with beaver, deer 
and bear skins, to trade, for our Indian Company have goods 
here for that purpose. They delivered up their arms to the 
white men of the fort, and left their skins and furs also. Those 
Indians would not lie in the Indian town, but went into the 
woods, where they lay until such time as they had done 
trading. 

* The Rev. F. L. Hawks, D. D., lias lent me a rare old book upon the 
colony of Virginia, by Hugh Jones, A. M., Chaphiiu to the Honorable As- 
sembly, (fee., 1724, from which 1 make the following extract : 

" He (Governor Spotswood)bnilt a fort called Chrixtanrtu, which, thov.gh 
not so far back, yet proved of great service and use ; where, at his sole ex- 
pense, I think, 1 have seen seveuty-seven Indian children at a time at 
school, under the careful management of the worthy Mr. CJn-irle-^ (7r)Jfin, 
who lived there some years for that purpose. These children could all 
read, say their catechisms and prayers tolerably well. Tlic Indians so loved 
and adored him, that I have seen them iuig him, and lift liini up in their 
arms', and fain would have chosen him for a King of the Sapony nation." 



280 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

The Governor and I we laid out an avenue about half a 
mile long, which gave us employment enough this day. 

The 9th day. — About seven in the morning we got a 
horseback, and were just out of the fort when the cannon 
fired. We passed by the Indian town, where they had notice 
that the Governor was returning, so they got twelve of their 
young men ready with their arms, and one of their old men 
at the head of them, and assured the Governor they were 
sorry that he was leaving them, but that they would guard 
him safe to the inhabitants, which they pressed upon him, so 
that he was forced to accept of it. They were all afoot, so 
the Governor to compliment the head man of the Indians lent 
him his led-horse. After we had rid about a mile, we 
came to a ford of Meherrin River, and being mistaken in our 
water-mark, we were sometimes obliged to make our horses 
swim, but we got over safe. The Indian Chief seeing how it was, 
unsaddled his horse, and stript himself all to his belt, and forded 
the river, leading his horse after him ; the fanc}' of the Indian 
made us merry for a while. The day being warm, and he not 
accustomed to ride, the horse threw him before we had gone 
two miles, but he had courage to mount again. By the time 
we had got a mile further, he was so terribly galled that he 
was forced to dismount, and desired the Governor to take his 
horse, for he could not imagine what good they were for, if it 
was not to cripple Indians. 

Wc were obliged to ride easy, that we might not get be- 
fore our Indian guard, who accompanied us as far as a river, 
called Nottoway River, which taketh its name from the Not 
toway Indians, who formerly lived upon this river. The 
place was about fifteen miles from the fort. When we parted 
with the Indians the Governor ordered them to have a pound 



JOURNAL OF JOHN FONTAINE. 281 

of powder and shot in proportion to each man. So they left 
us, and we crossed the river and rid fifteen miles further, 
until we came to a poor planter's house, where we put up for 
that night. They had no beds in the house, so the Governor 
lay upon the ground, and had his bear-skin under him, and I 
lay upon a large table in my cloak, and thus we fared until 
day, which was welcome to us. 

The lOth day. — At five we got up, and at six we mounted 
our horses, and we took a guide who pretended to know the 
way, and bring us a short cut, but instead of that, he took 
us about seven miles out of our way. When we found that 
he was lost, we dismissed him ; the sun began to shine out 
clear, so the Governor he conducted us, and about four of 
the clock we came to James River and took the ferry, and 
about six of the clock we mounted our horses and went to 
Williamsburg, where we arrived about eight of the clock. I 
supped with the Governor ; and being well tired, I went after 
to my lodgings and to bed. 

This journey, coming and going, comes to 160 miles. 

WiUiamsburg, 20th August^ 1716. — In the morning got 
my horses ready, and what baggage was necessary, and I 
waited on the Governor, who was in readiness for an expedi- 
tion over the Appalachian mountains. We breakfiisted, and 
about ten got on horseback, and at four came to the Brick- 
house, upon York Kivcr, where we crossed the ferry, and at 
six we came to Mr. Austin Moor's house, upoii Mattapony 
River, in King William County; here we lay all night and 
were well entertained. 

2lsL — Fair weather. At ten wc set out from Mr. Moor's 
and crossed the river of Mattapony. and continued on tho 
road, and were on horseback till nine of tlie clock at night. 



282 MEMOIRS OF A HUGTIENOT FAMILY. 

before we came to Mr. Robert Beverley's house, where wft 
were well entertained, and remained this night. 

22^;?. — At nine in the morning, we set out from Mr. Be- 
verley's. The Governor left his chaise here, and mounted 
his horse, Tlie weather fair, we continued on our journey 
until we came to Mr. Woodford's, where we lay, and were 
well entertained. This house lies on Rappahannoc River, ten 
miles below the falls. 

23d. — Here we remained all this day, and diverted our- 
selves and rested our horses. 

24^/i. —In the morning, at seven, we mounted our horses, 
and came to Austin Smith's house about ten, where we dined, 
and remained till about one of the clock, then we set out, and 
about nine of the clock we came to tlie German-town, 
where we rested that night — bad beds and indifferent enter- 
tainment. 

German-town, 25th. — After dinner we went to see the 
mines, but I could not observe that there was any good mine. 
The Germans pretend that it is a silver mine ; we took some of 
the ore and endeavored to run it, but could get nothing out of 
it, and I am of opinion it will not come to any thing, no, not 
as much as lead. Many of the gentlemen of the county are 
concerned in this work. We returned, and to our hard beds. 

26th. — At seven we got up, and several gentlemen of the 
country, that were to meet the Governor at this place for the 
expedition, arrived here, as also two companies of Rangers, 
consisting each of six men, and an officer. Four Meherrili 
Indians also came. 

In the morning I diverted myself with other gentlemen 
shooting at a mark. At twelve we dined, and after dinner we 
mounted our horses and crossed Rappahannoc River, that 



JOURNAL OF JOHN FONTAINE. 28S 

runs by this place, and went to find out some convenient place 
for our horses to feed in, and to view the land hereabouts. 
Our guide left us, and we went so far in the woods that we 
did not know the way back again ; so we hallooed and fired 
our guns. Half an hour after sunset the guide came to us, 
and we went to cross the river by another ford higher up. 
The descent to the river being steep, and the night dark, we 
were obliged to dismount and lead our horses down to the 
river side, which was very troublesome. The bank being very 
steep, the greatest part of our company went into the water 
to mount their hort^s, where they were up to the crotch in the 
water. After we had forded the river and came to the other 
side, where the bank was steep also, in going up, the horse of 
one of our company slipped and fell back into the river on 
the top of his rider, but he received no other damage than 
being heartily wet, which made sport for the rest. A hoimet 
stung one of the gentlemen in the face, which swelled prodi- 
giously. About ten we came to the town, where we supped, 
and to bed. 

27 th. — Grot our tents in order, and our hoi'ses shod. 
About twelve, I was taken with a violent headache and pains 
in all my bones, so that I was obliged to lie down, and was 
very bad that day. 

I'Sth. — About one in the morning, I was taken with a vio- 
lent fever, which abated about six at night, and I began to 
take the bark, and had one ounce divided into eight doses, and 
took two of them by ten of the clock that night. The fever 
abated, but I had great pains in my head and bones. 

29/A. — In the morning we got ;ill things in readiness, and 
about one we left the German-town to set out on our intended 
journey. At five in the aftermion, tlic Governor gave orders 



5Si MEMOIRS v»F A HLKilTENOT F.'IMII,\. 

to encamp near a small river, three miles from Germauna, 
wliicb we called Expedition Run. and here we lay all night. 
i This first encampment was called- Beverley Camp in honor of 
one of the gentlemen of our party. We made great fires, and 
supped, and drank good punch. By ten of the clock I had 
taken all of my ounce of Jesuit's Bark, but my head was 
much out of order. 

oO/h.- — In the morning about seven of the clock, the trum- 
pet sounded to awake all the company, and we got up One 

/ Austin Smith, one of the gentlemen with us, having a fever, 
returned home. We had lain upon the ground under cover of 
our tents, and we found by the pains in our bones that we had 
not had good beds to lie upon. At nine in the morning, we 
sent our servants and baggage forward, and we remained, be- 
cause two of the Governor's horses had sti-ayed. At half 
past two we got the horses, at three we mounted, and at half 
an hour after four, we came up with our baggage at a small 
river, three miles on the way, which we called Mine River, 
because there was an appearance of a silver mine by it. We 
made about three miles more, and came to another small river, 
which is at the foot of a small mountain, so we encamped here 

^\ and called it Mountain Run, and our camp we called Todd's 
Camp. We had good pasturage for our horses, and venison 
in abundance for ourselves, which we roasted before the fire 
upon wooden forks, and so we went to bed in our tents. 
Made 6 miles this day. 

31s/;. — At eight in the morning, we set out from Mountain 
Run, and after going five miles we came upon the upper part 
of Rappahannoc River. One of tlie gentlemen and 1, we 
kept out on one side of the company about a mile, to have 
the better hunting. I saw a deer, and shot him from my 



JOURNAL OF JOHN FONTAIN?:. 285 

horse, but the horse tlircw uic ;i terrible fall and ran away ; 
we ran after, and with a great deal of difficulty got him again ; 
but we could not find the deer I had shot, and we lost our- 
selves, and it was two hours before we could come upon the 
track of our company. About five miles further we crossed 
the same river again, and two miles further we met with a 
large bear, which one of our company shot, and I got the skin. 
We killed several deer, and about two miles from the place 
where we killed the bear, we encamped upon Rappahan- 
noc River. From our encampment we could see the Appala- 
chian Hills very plain. We made large fires, pitched our 
tents, and cut boughs to lie upon, had good licjuor, and at ten 
we went to sleep. We always kept a sentry at the Governor's Ur 
door. We called this Smith's Camp. Made this day four- 
teen miles. 

\st. September. — At eight we mounted our horses, and 
made the first five miles of our way through a very pleasant 
plain, which lies where Rappahannoc River forks. I saw 
there the largest timber, the finest and deepest mould, and 
the best grass that I ever did see. We had some of our 
baggage put out of order, and our company dismounted, by 
liornets stinging the horses. This was some hindrance, and 
did a little damage, but afforded a great deal of diversion. 
We killed three bears this day. which exercised the horses as 
well as the men. We saw two foxes but did not pursue them ; 
we killed several deer. About five of the clock, we came to 
a run of water at the foot of a hill, where we pitched our 
tents. We called the encampment Dr. Robinson's Camp, and t> 
the river, RHnd Run. We had good pasturage for our horses, 
and every one was cook for himself We made our beds 
vv'itli bushes as before. On this day wo made 13 miles. 



286 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAlVnLY. 

2f/ — At nine we were all on horseback, and after riding 
about five miles we crossed Rappahannoc River, almost at 
the head, where it is very small. We had a rugged way ; 
we passed over a great many small runs of water, some of 
which were very deep, and others very miry. Several of oui 
company were dismounted, some were down with their horses, 
others under their horses, and some thrown off We saw a bear 
running down a tree, bi*t it being Sunday, we did not endeavor 
to kill any thing. We encamped at five by a small river we 
called White Oak River, and called our camp Taylor's Camp. 

od. — About eight we were on horseback, and about ten 
we came to a thicket, so tightly laced together, that we had a 
great deal of trouble to get through ; our baggage was in- 
jured, our clothes torn all to rags, and the saddles and hol- 
sters also torn. About five of the clock we encamped almost 
at the head of James River, just below the great mountains. 
We called this camp Colonel Robertson's Camp. We made 
all this day but eight miles. 

ith. — We had two of our men sick with the measles, and 
one of our horses poisoned with a rattlesnake. We took the 
heaviest of our baggage, our tired horses, and the sick men, 
and made as convenient a lodge for them as we could, and left 
people to guard them, and hunt for them. We had finished 
this work by twelve, and so we set out. The sides of the 
mountains were so full of vines and briers, that we were 
forced to clear most of the way before us. We crossed one 
of the small mountains this side the Appalachian, and from 
the top of it we had a fine view of the plains below. We were 
obliged to walk up the most of the way, there being abun- 
dance of loose stones on the side of the hill. I killed a large 
rattlesnake here, and the other people killed three more. We 




JOUKNAL OF JOHN FONTAINli. 289 

the men together, and loaded all their arms, and we drank 
the King's health in Champagne, and fired a volley — the Prin- 
cess's health in Burgundy, and fired a volley, and all the rest 
of the Royal Family in claret, and a volley. We drank the 
Governor's health and firei another volley. We had several 
sorts of liquors, viz., Virginia red wine and white wine, Irish 
usquebaugh, brandy, shrub, two sorts of rum, champagne, ca- 
nary, cherry, punch, water, cider, &c. 

I sent two of the rangers to look for my gun, which I 
dropped in the mountains ; they found it, and brought it to me 
at night, and I gave them a pistole for their trouble. We 
called the highest mountain Mount George, and the one we 
crossed over Mount Spotswood. 

7^/i. — At seven in the morning we mounted our horses, 
and parted with the rangers, who were to go farther on, and 
we returned homewards ; we repassed the mountains, and at 
five in the afternoon we came to Hospital Camp, where we 
left our sick men, and heavy baggage, and we found all things 
well and safe. We encamped here, and called it Captain 
Clouder's Canip. ^ 

Stit,. — At nine we were all on horseback. We saw several 
bears and deer, and killed some wild turkeys. We encamped 
at the side of a run, and called the place Mason's Camp. We // 
had good forage for our horses, and we lay a»s usual. Made 
twenty miles this day. 

9i/i. — We set out at nine of the clock, and before twelve we 
Baw several bears, and killed three. One of them attacked 
one of our men that was riding after him, and narrowly missed 

make discoveries and new settlementa; any gentleman being entitled to 
ivenr tliis Ooldeti Shoe Juit can jirove his ha'.'ing drunk hk MaJ€stf/'$ 
h^iuUh upou Mount Geokok. — Hut/h Joms, 1724. 

13 



/ 




290 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FA^ULY. 

him ; he tore his things tha* he had behind him from otf the 
horse, and would have destroyed him. had he not nad imme- 
diate help from the other men and our dogs. Some of the 
dogs suffered severely in this engagement. At two we crossed 
one of the branches of the Rappahannoc River, and at five we 
encamped on the side of the Rapid Ann, on a tract of land 
that Mr. Beverley hath design to take up. We made, this 
day, twenty-three miles, and called this Captain Smith's 
Camp. We eat part of one of the bears, which tasted very 
well, and would be good, and might pass for veal, if one did 
not know what it was. We were very merry, and diverted 
ourselves with our adventures. 

lOth. — At eight we were on horseback, and about ten, as 
we were going up a small hill, Mr. Beverley and his horse fell 
down, and they both rolled to the bottom ; but there were no 
bones broken on either side. At twelve, as we were crossing 
a run of water, Mr. Clouder fell in, so we called this place 
Clouder's Run. At one we arrived at a large spring, where 
we dined and drank a bowl of punch. We called this Fon- 
taine's Spring. About two we got on horseback, and at four 
we reached Germanna. The Governor thanked the gentlemen 
for their assistance in the expedition. Mr. Mason left us 
here. I went at five to swim in the Rappahannoc River, an^ 
returned to the town. 

llth. — After breakfast all our company left us, excepting 
Dr. Robinson and Mr. Clouder. We walked all about the 
town, and the Governor settled his business with the Germans 
here, and accommodated the minister and the people, and then 
to bed. 

l'2th. — After breakfast went a fishing in the Rappahannoc 
and took seven fish, which we had for dinner ; after which Mr 



I 



JOUKNAL OF .TOIIX FONTAINE. 287 

^ade about four miles, and so came to the side of James 
River, where a man may jump over it, and there we pitched 
our tents. As the people were lighting the fire, there came 
out of a large log of wood a prodigious snake, which they 
killed ; so this camp was called Rattlesnake Camp, but it 
was otherwise called Brooks' Camp. r 

5th. — A fair day. At nine we were mounted : we were 
obliged to have axe-men to clear the way in some places. We 
followed the windings of James River, observing that it came 
from the very top of the mountains. We killed two rattle 
snakes during our ascent. In some places it was very steep, 
in others, it was so that we could ride up. About one of the 
clock we got to the top of the mountain ; about four miles 
and a half, and we came to the very head spring of James 
River, where it runs no bigger than a man's arm, from under 
a large stone. We drank King George's health, and all the 
Royal Family's, at the very top of the Appalachian mountains. 
About a musket-shot from the spring there is another, which 
rises and runs down on the other side ; it goes westward, 
and we thought we could go down that way, but we met with 
such prodigious precipices, that we were obliged to return to 
the top again. We found some trees which had been for- 
merly marked, I suppose, by tlie Northern Indians, and fol- 
lowing these trees, we found a good, safe descent. Several of 
the company were for returning : but the Governor persuaded 
them to continue on. About five, we were down on the other 
side, and continued our way for about seven miles further, 
until we came to a large river, by the side of wliicli wi' en- 
camped. We made this day fourteen miles. I. being some- 
what more curious than the rest, went on a high rock on the 
P*^ top of the mountain, to see fine prospects, and I lost my gun 



^/ 



288 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

We saw, when we were over the mountains, the footing ci 
elks and buffaloes, and their beds. We saw a vine which 
bore a sort of wild cucumber, and a shrub with a fruit like 
unto a currant. We eat very good wild grapes. We called 
this place Spotswood Camp, after our Governor. 

Gth. — We crossed the river, which we called Euphrates. 
It is very deep ; the main course of the water is north ; it is 
fourscore yards wide in the narrowest part. We drank some 
healths on the other side, and returned ; after which I went a 
swimming in it. We could not find any fordable place, ex- 
cept the one by which we crossed, and ii was deep in several 
places. I got some grasshoppers and fished ; and another 
and I, we catched a dish of fish, some perch, and a fish they 
call chub. The others went a hunting, and killed deer and 
turkeys. The Governor had graving irons, but could not 
grave any thing, the stones were so hard. I graved my name 
on a tree by the river side ; and the Governor buried a bottle 
with a paper inclosed, on which he writ that he took posses- 
sion of this place in the name and for King George the First 
of England.* We had a good dinner, and after it we got 

* Governm- Spotswood, when he undertook the preat discovery of the 
Passage over the Mini/Ualns, attended with a sufficient guard, and pioneers 
and gentlemen, with a sufficient stock of provision, with abundant fatigue 
passed these Mountains, and cut his Majesty's name in a rock upon the high- 
est of them, naming it Mount George ; and in complaisance the gentle- 
uien, from the Governor's name, called the mountain ne.xt in height Mount 
Alexander. 

For this expedition they were obliged to provide a great quantity of 
horse shoes, (things seldom used in the lower parts of the country, where 
there are few stones ;) upon which account the Governor, upon their re- 
turn, presented each of his companions with a golden horse shoe, (some of 
which I have seen studded with valuable stones, resembling the heads of 
nails,) with this inscription on the one side : Sicjuvat transcendere montes ; 
and on the other is written the tramontane order. 

This he instituted to encourage gentlemen to venture backwards, and 



jouiwAi. OF JOHN fontaixp:. 2<^i 

Robinson am^ I, we eiuleavored to melt some ore in the smith's 
torge. but could get nothing out of it. Dr. Kobinson's and Mr 
Clouder's boys were taken violently ill with fever. Mr. Robin 
son and Mr. Clouder left us. and the boys remained behind. 

loth. — About eight of the clock we mounted our horses 
and went to the mine, where we took several pieces of ore ; and 
at nine we set out from the mine, our servants having gone 
before ; and about three we overtook them in the woods, and 
there the Governor and I dined. We mounted afterwards, 
and continued on our road. I killed a black snake about five 
feet long. We arrived at Mr. Woodford's, on Rappahannoc 
Eiver, about six. and rcmainrd there all night. 

\ith. — At seven we sent our horses and baggage before 
us; and at ten we mounted our horses; we killed anothei 
snake, four feet nine inches long. At twelve we came to the 
church, where we met with Mr. Buckner, and remained till 
two, to settle some county business ; then we mounted our 
horses, and saw several wild turkeys on the road ; and at seven 
we reached Mr. Beverley's house, which is upon the head of 
Mattapony River, where we were well entertained. My boy 
was taken with a violent fever, and very sick. 

\5tk. — At seven my servant was somewhat better, and I 
sent him away with my horses, and about ten o'clock the Gov- 
ernor took his chaise, and I with him. and at twelve we came 
to a mill-dam. which we had great difficulty to get the chaise 
over. We got into it again, and continued on our way, and 
about five we arrived at 3Ir. Baylor's, where we remained all 
night. 

IQth. — My servant was so sick, that I was obliged to leave 
him. and the Governor's servants took care of my horses. Au 
ten we sent the cliaise over ]Mattapony River, and it beinc 
Sunday, we went to the cliun li in King William County. 



292 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

whore we heard a sermon from Mr. Monroe. After nermoD 
we continued our journey until wc came to Mr. West's planta- 
tion, where Colonel Basset waited for the Governor with iiis 
pinnace, and other boats for his servants. We arrived at his 
house by five of the clock, and were nobly entertained. 

nth. — At ten we loft Colonel Basset's, and at three we 
arrived at Williamsburg, where we dined together, and I went 
to my lodgings, and to bed, being well tired, as well as my 
horses. 

I reckon that from Williamsburg to the Euphrates River 
is in all 219 miles, so that our journey, going and coming, has 
been in all 438 miles. ^ 

Williamsburg^ \Ath October, 1716. — I settled my busi- 
ness and left all my things in the hands of Major Holloway, 
designing with God's blessing for New-York. I went to dine 
with the Governor, and took my leave of him and of all my 
acquaintance. 

\5th. — Got all things in readiness, mounted, and rode 
down to Hampton, which is forty miles from Williamsbure. 
About six of the clock I arrived, and went to my friend, Mr. 
Trewin's, where I supped and lodged. 

\6th. — I sent away my horses to Williamsburg, writ to 
Major Holloway, went to see several of my acquaintances. 
Mr. Michael Kearney also designed for New-York, so we 
agreed about what provisions we should put in for our voyage. 
and I returned to Mr. Irewin's. 

I7tk. — This town, Hampton, lies in a plain Tvithin ten 
miles of the mouth of James River, and about one luile 
inland from the side of the main river ; there is also a svsis,W. 
arm of the river that comes on both sides of this town, and 



.TOUKNAL OF .loTlN FONTAINE. 29-*) 

w'tliiu a small matter of making it an island. It is a place 
f the greatest trade in all Virginia, and all tlie men-of-war 
commonly lie before this arm of the river. It is not naviga- 
ble for large ships, by reason of a bar of land, which lies be- 
ween the mouth, or coming in, and the main channel, but 
sloops and small ships can come up to the town. This is the 
best outlet in all Virginia and Maryland, and when there is 
any fleet made, they fit out here, and can go to sea with the 
first start of a wind. The town contains one hundred houses, 
but few of them of any note, and it has no church. The in- 
habitants drive a great trade with New- York and Pennsylva- 
nia, and are also convenient to trade with Maryland. They 
have the best fisli and oysters of any place in the Colony, and 
there is good fowling hereabouts. The town is not reckoned 
healthy, owing to the great mud-banks and wet marshes about 
it, which have a very unwholesome smell at low water. We 
met at Mr. Irewin's, were very merry, supped well, and to 
bed 

\8th — Mr. Kearney and I spoke to the master of the 
sloop for our passage, and bought provisions for ourselves, and 
sent our clothes on board. Took leave of my ace^uaintances, 
and went to Mr. Irewin's, where I lay. 

\9th. — At eleven in the morning, the wind being N. E. 
we hoisted our anchor. By one we had passed Point Com- 
fort, which makes the entrance of James River, and were in 
the Bay of Chesapeake. At four we were between the two 
Capes of Virginia, Cape Henry and (^ape Charles. Weather 
fair. We kept within ten Icngucs of tlic shore, and so steered 
our course all night. 

20th — Wind continued N. E . weather fair. We kept 
within sight of the shore, and sounded, and found fourteen 



2J»-t Mi:.M()IKS OF A llUGliKNol FAMILY. 

fathoms vvutor, white sand. We saw several flocks of ducke 
and geese going to the southward. A smooth sea, but great 
swell. There is no harbor all along this coast, from Cape 
Charles till you come to the mouth of the Bay of Delaware, 
which goes up to Philadelphia. 

2lst. — Wind N. E. till one of the clock, and then it came 
about N. W.. and blew very hard, so we sounded, and found 
but ten fathoms water. The wind continued to blow, so we 
came to an anchor, and about four we saw a sloop coming 
from the sea. She came to an anchor by us. Here we re- 
mained all night, and the wind blow very hard, still in sight 
of the land, and somewhat to the northward of Delaware Bay. 
There are great banks of sand lie off here, which are very 
dangerous. We can see the breakers on them. 

22(1. — In the morning about seven of the clock we raised 
our anchor, and set our .sails, wind at N. W., a stiff gale and 
great sea, and about 12 of the clock we split our jib and 
foresail. At three we were up with Sandy Hook, which is 
the cape land of New-York port. The land is low and sandy 
with few trees upon it. About sunset we came to an anchor 
under Sandy Hook, in seven fathoms water, and three miles 
from shore. 

2od. — In the sloop at anchor under Sandy Hook. The 
weather was so foggy all day that we could not see the shore, 
nor landmarks, so we could not hoist our anchor, for this is a 
V3ry dangerous bay to come up without one has fair weather 
to see the landmarks. There are several banks and shoals of 
sand which are very dangerous. There is a great deal of wa- 
ter fowl of all sorts on these shoals. I observe that the ducks 
«rtd geese are sooner here than with us in Virginia. 

24th. — Calm weather, but such a fog that we could not 



JOTTRNAL OF JOHN FONTAINE. 205 

see half a mile. We had a mind to go ashore, but the master 
and sailors were afraid that they could not find the sloop 
again with the boat, so we consented to remain on board. 
This fog is occasioned by the burning of the woods, for at this 
season the inhabitants set the woods on fire, and the Indians 
also about this time of the year go a fire hunting. 

'2.5th. — We are still at anchor, weather very foggy, so that 
the master will not venture up with his sloop. About twelve 
it cleared, so that we could see the land, and we got out the 
boat, and the men landed us in Statcn Island. We were 
obliged to walk about four miles, not being able to hire any 
horses. This island is mostly high land and rocky, and that 
part of the land which is good is mixed with small stones- 
There are some good improvements here ; the inhabitants are 
mostly Dutch ; the houses are all built with stone and lime : 
there are some hedges as in England. The chief increase is 
wheat and cattle, they breed large horses here. 

About five of the clock we came to the Ferry between 
Long Island and Staten Island, which is about one mile 
broad. The main body of New-York River runs between 
these islands. We crossed the ferry and came upon Long 
Island, to a small sort of village, where, it being late, we put 
up at the house of a Dutchman, one Harris Hendrick. We 
were well lodged and had a good supper. 

26</i. — About eight of the clock in the morning, we hired 
two horses to go to New- York. It is about eight miles from 
this ferry by land, but not near so much by water. Long 
Island is generally very plain ground, bears extraordinary 
good grass, and is an excellent place for cattle. It produceth 
wheat and all English grain in abundance. The chief part 
of the inhabitants are Dutch, but there are some few French. 



296 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

Amongst them there are several good improvements, and 
many fine villages, the woods are mostly destroyed. Besides 
the plentiful produce of the Island, there is every advantage 
for fishing and fowling that can be wished. About eleven 
o'clock we came to a fine village opposite New York, and we 
crossed the ferry. The river is about a quarter of a mile 
over, and runs very rapidly ; there are good convenient land- 
ings on both sides. As soon as we landed we went and 
agreed for our lodgings with a Dutch woman named Schuyler, 
and then I went to see Mr. Andrew Freneau at his house, 
and he received me very well, after which I went to the 
tavern, and about ten at night to my lodgings and to bed. 

21th. — About nine I went and breakfasted at the Cofi"ee- 
House, and at eleven I waited upon Governor Hunter, who 
received me very kindly, and invited me to dine with him. 
After dinner I walked with him about the fort, wherein he 
lives. It is a small square situated upon a height above the 
town, and commanding it. The one side of it fronts the har- 
bor, and hath a small curtain and two bastions ; the land side 
hath but two half-bastions to it, so that it is a square com- 
posed of two whole and two half-bastions. There is a ravelin 
towards the land that lies on one side of the gate. It is but 
a weak place, and badly contrived. There is a regiment 
here, and the Governor always hath a guard, and this is all 
the duty they have, which is very little. 

From the Governor I went to see the Mayor of the town, 
one Doctor Johnson, and was kindly received by him ; thence 
to Colonel Delorty, and at night I went to the tavern, and 
was there with the Irish club until ten, and so to bed. 

28^/i. — About eight in the morning, Mr Kearney and I 
we hired horses, and went about seven miles out of town to one 



JOTTKNAI. OF JOHN FONTAINK. 297 

Colonel Morris's, who lives in the country, and is Judge or 
Chief Justice of this province, a very sensible and good man. 
We were well received by him, and remained with him all 
night ; and we saw a great many fine improvements that he 
had made, and he showed us several rare collections of his 
own making. He lives upon the river that comes down to 
New-York. 

29^/i. — About ten of the clock we left Colonel Morris's, 
crossed the river, and arrived at New- York at twelve. The 
roads are very bad and stony, and no possibility for coaches 
to go, only in the winter, when the snow fills up the holes and 
makes all smooth, then they can make use of wheel-carriages. 
There are but two coaches belonging to this province, because 
of the badness of tlie roads, though there are many rich 
people. 

We were invited to dine at two with Mr. Hamilton and 
Mr. Lane. After dinner, I visited Mr. Freneau, and had a 
great deal of discourse with him about the trade of Virginia. 
From thence I walked round the town. There arc three 
churches, the English, the French, and the Dutch Church ; 
there is also a place for the Assembly to sit, which is not very 
fine, and where they judge all matters. The town is compact, 
the houses for the most part built after the Dutch manner, 
with the gable-ends towards the street ; the streets are of a 
good breadth ; the town is built close upon the river, and there 
is a fine <{uay that reigns ;ill round the town, built with stone 
and piles of wood outside. There are small docks for clean- 
ing and building small ships. At high-water, the vessels come 
up to the quay to lade and unlade. In winter the river i.s 
frozen, sometimes all over, and such abundance of ice comes 
down, that it often cuts the cables of ships, but cannot hurt 
13* 



298 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMELT. 

those near the quay. The town ia built on ground that 
dually rises from the water, so it is amphitheatre like. The 
French have all the privileges that can be, and are the most 
in number here, they are of the Council and of the Parlia- 
ment, and are in all other employments. The chief produce 
of this province is beef, flour, pork, butter, and cheese, which 
they send to the West Indies, and sometimes to Lisbon. They 
drive a great trade with the Northern Indians for skins and 
furs. There is plenty of all sorts of fish, oysters, and water- 
fowl. The climate is very cold in winter, a great deal ot snow 
and frost for four months, and very hot in the latter part of 
the summer. 

30^/i. — At ten of the clock, went to the Coffee-house, and 
at two of the clock to the Governor's to dinner. Thence I 
went to see Colonel Ingoldsby, and to the Irish Club, where 
I remained till ten, and so home to my lodgings. 

31.s^. — At ten, went to the Coffee-house, and walked upon 
the Exchange, which is a small place that is planked, and 
hath pillars of wood all round, which support the roof and 
leave it open on all sides. I dined with Mr. Andrew Freneau, 
and remained with him till four of the clock, and then I went 
to the Coffee-house for an hour or two, and at six to the French 
Club, where they treated me, and at ten home and to bed. 

\st November. 1716. — At eleven to the Coffee-house, dined 
at the tavern, from thence to Mr. Freneau, and went home at 
nine. 

2d. — Breakfasted at the Coffee-house at nine, dined at the 
tavern at two ; thence went home and writ to my cousin Ar- 
nauld in London, and so to bed. 

2d. — Breakfasted at the Coffee-house at eight, dined at one 
at the tavern, informed myself about one Maxwell, whom Mr 



.1(11 UNAI. dl-' .lolIX KoX IA[NK. 200 

Fooks recommended to luc, and I was informed that he was 
very much in debt, and had been a long time in prison in 
New- York ; but that he is now gone to South Carolina, and 
calls himself Joseph Mitchell, instead of his right name, 
James Maxwell. I writ to Mr. Fooks, in Dublin, about this 
Maxwell, and to bed. 

4^A, Sunday. — At ten I went to Mr. Freneau, and witb 
him to church. I returned to his house and dined with him. 
and at half an hour after two we went to church again, which 
is after Calvin's way. The church is very large and beauti- 
ful, and within it there was a very great congregation. After 
service, I went home and to bed. 

5th. — At ten in the morning, I carried Mr. Freneau a 
memorandum of the prices of goods. I dined at the Coffee- 
house, and then went to the French Club at the tavern, where 
we drank loyal healths, and at ten went home and to bed. 

Qth. — About ten went to visit Mr. Delancy, and then Mr. 
Freneau. The Postmaster-General. Mr. Hamilton, invited 
me to dinner, and I dined with him. At three, I went to the 
Coffee-house, and at six, I went with Mr. Byerly, the Collec- 
tor, and some others, to the tavern, where we remained till 
ten. Thence to bed. 

Itli. — At eight, went to the Coffee-house ; at ten, waited 
on Grovernor Hunter, and drank tea with him ; from thence I 
waited on Mr. Burchfield. Surveyor-General, and I dined with 
him ; and when I took my leave, he made me promises of ser- 
vice if an i)j)portunity should offer. At four, I went to the 
Coffee-house, where I met with Mr, Freneau, and at six we 
went to till' French Club, and at ten to bed. 

8/A. — At ten, I waited upon Governor Hunter and break- 
fasted with him ; I dined with him at two, and at four I took 



300 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

leave of liiin, went to my lodgings tuid supped there, and at 
eight to bed. 

Friday^ 9th November, 1716. — At five of the clock in the 
morning, got all our things in the ferry-boat, and set out for 
Amboy ; the wind was contrary, and it blew so hard that at 
nine we were forced back again. So, Mr. Kearney and I, we 
nired two horses, and went seven miles out of town to Colonel 
Morris's, where we dined, and returned at night to our lodg- 
ings in New-York. 

lO^A. — At eight in the morning, I bought a horse of Mr. 
Lancaster Sims, and paid him £8 for it. We crossed the 
ferry from New-York to Long Island about ten, and mounted 
our horses. We passed by a fine village called Flatbush, and 
at twelve we reached Hans Hendrick's house. The ferryman 
endeavored to cross the ferry from thence to Staten Island, 
but had to put back, so we dined at Hendrick's. At three, 
we saw a ship called the Caesar Galley run aground upon 
White Bank. At five, we got into the boat again, and with 
much difiiculty crossed to Staten Island, then we mounted our 
horses and came to one Stuart's, an inn on the road, about 
seven miles from the ferry, where we supped, and lay all night. 

Sunday, 1 ]th. — At seven in the morning we set out from 
Stuart's, and at twelve of the. clock, we came to one Colonel 
Farrier's house, where the ferry is kept, and we got ferried 
over to Amboy, which is a small village where the Governor 
hath a house and gardens. It is a very agreeable place, sur- 
rounded on two sides by the water. After dinner we went to 
chiirch. The church is very small, and much out of repair. 
The wind blew so hard that we could not get our horses fer- 
ried over, so we were obliged to remain all night. 

I2th. — The wind continued blowing very hard at N. W., 



JOURNAL OF JOHN FONTAINE. 301 

and we could by no means get over the ferry in the morning ; 
80 we took a walk abroad in the country about here, which iB 
very agreeable. At two we returned to our inn and dined. 
We met with two gentlemen from New-York, both lawyers, 
Justice Johnson and Mr. Bickly. We drank till ten, and to 
bed. 

\dth. — At ten we crossed the ferry, and mounted our 
horses ; we dined at two, and continued on our way from three 
until seven. We made but thirty-two miles this day. We 
had bad entertainment. 

lith. — At half an hour after seven we set out from our 
lodgings, and within one mile of Burlington I met with Mr. 
John Ballaguier. At eleven we came to Burlington, where 
we dined. It is a very pretty village, and there is a river 
passes through it navigable for sloops. At half an hour after 
twelve we set out for Philadelphia, the distance is twenty 
miles from Burlington. The roads are good here. At six 
we arrived at Philadelphia, and I waited on Mr. Samuel 
Perez and gave him Mr. Freneau's letter. He had no service 
for me. 

I5th. — At eight of the clock went to view the town, 
which is situated upon rising ground on Delaware River, and 
is built very regularly, the houses mostly of brick, after the 
English fashion. The streets are very wide and regular. 
There are many convenient docks for the building ships and 
sloops here. There is a great trade to all the Islands belong- 
ing to the English, as also to Lisbon and the Madeira Islands. 
The produce of the country is cliiefly wheat, barley, and all 
English grain, beef, butter, cheese, flax, and hemp. The inhah'- 
tants are most part Quakers, and they have sc\eral good meet 
iugs, and there are also some English churches There are "^ 



302 MEMOIKS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

sorts of trades established in this town. Money that i^i not 
nulled passes for six shillings and fourpence the ounce. 

At twelve of the clock we left Philadelphia, and crossing 
a ferry about two miles out of the town, we had a great 
shower. The roads not good here. At five of the clock we 
got to Harlem, a small village well situated on Delaware Kivcr, 
sixteen miles from Philadelj^hia. Good entertainment. 

16/A. — At eight of the clock set out from Harlem. We 
crossed two ferries, and at one of the clock came to New- 
castle. After dinner I walked about the town, which has a 
great man}- good brick houses, but is a place of no trade, 
though situated upon Delaware River. We remained here 
all this day, and were well entertained and lodged. 

nih. — About eight of the clock we set out from New- 
castle for Bohemia landing. About fifteen miles on the way 
we came to the division line between Pennsylvania and Mary- 
land. At three we reached Bohemia landing, and were dis- 
appointed at finding no sloop there, and were obliged to go 
farther, for though there are two or three houses there, there 
is no entertainment. After riding four miles farther we came to 
Mr. Paterson's, a house of entertainment, where we remained 
this night. 

Sunday^ ISth. — We remained all day at Paterson's, where 
there is nothing to be seen but trees A fair day. We are 
sixty miles from Philadelphia. 

\9th. — At eight of the clock set out from Pater«on's 
house, and at twelve arrived at the Court House of the County 
of Kent, where we baited our horses, and had but indilferent 
entertainment. About three Mr. Kearney and i went to uis 
brother's house in the neighborhood, where wo put up ana re- 
niaiiied all night. We reckon that we made this day thirty 
three miles. 



JOUKNAL OF JOHN FONTAINE. 303 

20^/i. — It being rainy we remained where we were, and 
had good entertainment. This gentleman hath an extraordi- 
nary good tannery, which turns to account. 

21 St. — At nine in the morning we set out from the house 
of Mr. Kearney's brother, and at one we came to one Sutton's 
house, about twenty-eight miles from Mr. Kearney's planta- 
tion, and dined at three. There were eight rogues drinking 
at the place, who resolved to fall upon us and rob us. Mj 
comrade went out, not expecting any thing, and was knocked 
down ; he endeavored to defend himself with his sword, but 
they with their stakes broke it to pieces. They tried to serve 
me after the same manner, but being on my guard I defended 
myself and my friend, until we got to our horses, and with a 
great deal of struggle we got away from them, and put on for- 
ward on the road about six miles to avoid them, and stopped, 
it being dark, at a poor man's house. About ten o'clock at 
night they came to steal our horses, and endeavor to surprise 
us, but when they saw we were prepared for them, after some 
few injurious words and threats, they made off. This is Sus- 
sex County. We sat up all night on our guard. 

22d. — Being threatened with an assault in the morning, 
we thought it convenient at two of the clock to get our horses 
and take a guide. By six of the clock we were twelve miles 
on our way, and stopped at one Duick's house, where we 
breakfasted, and at ten continued our journey to Indian 
Creek. This part of the country is hardly inhabited, and the 
few people who arc here make it their business to rob all 
passengers. We were detained at the creek two hours for the 
want of a canoe ; we got one at last, and swam our horses 
over. We mounted on the other side, and went three miles 
further until we came to one Pepper's house, where we lay al] 
night. 



304 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

23(af. — At seven id the morning got on horseback ; a fan 
daj : we rid sixteen miles through the forest, no inhabitants 
ail the way, and at the end of the sixteen miles we came to 
on Mumford's, where we ate a bit ; at two we mounted 
again, and at five of the clock came to Snow Hill, being forty 
miles from Pepper's, where we lay last night. This is a 
small village, but few houses, and not one public house, so 
we put up at a private house. This village is situated upon 
Pocomoke River, navigable for sloops as far as this place. 
Bad beds and ordinary victuals. 

24iA. — At eight got on horseback, and when we were 
seventeen miles on our way, we called at one Mr. Pope's, 
where we took a guide, the ways being very intricate. At 
five of the clock we came to one Mr. Koinp's, which we reckon 
about thirty-five miles distant from Snow Hill. We paid our 
guide and dismissed him. We were very well entertained, 
and our horses well fed. and about ten we went to bed. 

25i^. — At ten we breakfasted, at eleven Mr. Kemp and I 
rode out and viewed a fine tract of land, and returned to his 
house to dinner at two. After dinner we went to see the 
shallop that we design to hire. The wind blew very hard 
at N. W. At ten we went to bed. 

26Z/i. — At ten Mr. Kearney and I agreed with the skip- 
per of the sloop for a passage for ourselves, and our horses, 
to Rappahannoc River on the other side of the bay. We 
ai-e to give him forty-four shillings for his trouble. We or 
dered him to ballast his sloop and be in readiness when the 
wind offered. At breakfast we drank of an herb called the 
golden-rod, the leaf is long, and it tastes and is of the color 
of green tea. We dined at four ; after dinner we played at 
chequers, then supped and drank punch and diverted ourselves 
till twelve, and then to bed. 



JOURNAL OF JOHN TONTAINE. 305 

21th. — At ten we breakfasted — at twelve we ballasted the 
shallop, and hoisted the two horses in, and put all our things 
on board, as also liquor and provisions for the run. We were 
resolved to set out this afternoon, but neither wind nor tide 
would serve, and night drawing on we returned to our friend 
Mr. James Kemp, supped, and at ten went to bed. Wind 
at N. W., stormy. 

28^A. — At eight in the morning got up, breakfasted at 
nine, and took leave of Mr. Kemp, and went to one Sanford's 
before whose house the sloop lay. The wind blew hard, but 
we got a canoe, and with some difficulty we were put on 
board our shallop. At ten we hoisted the anchor, with the 
wind at N. and N. by E., a hard gale. At two we came tc 
Egg Island, and at five, it being but half flood, we struck on 
Watts's shoals, where we remained, thumping for an hour. 
After we floated we came up to Watts's Island. At seven we 
cast anchor, and went ashore, to one Joseph Bird's house, 
where we supped on our own provisions, and for want of beds 
lay before the fire all night. 

2^th. — We got up at four in the morning, and went to 
the water, and called up the shallop-men ; we got on board, 
and by five weighed anchor, and hoisted our sails. Tl>e 
wind is at N. E., and a fresh gale, but the tide against us. 
At seven we see the Tangier Islands, and at nine of the 
clock, came in sight of Windmill Point, which makes the 
north side of Rappahannoc Iliver, and Gwinn's Island, the 
couth side. At one, we came abreast with Windmill Point, 
and the wind changed to S. W., and blew fresh, with a great 
sea ; we endeavored to weather Gwinn's Island, but we could 
not, in order to get to Queen's Creek in Piankatank River. 
We spoke a ship at three, she was from Barbadoes. At a 



306 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAJkllLY. 

quarter after three, finding the wind still freshen, we were 
obliged to put before it up Rappahannoc River. It became 
calm about six, so we put ashore at Mr. Churchill's plantation, 
and landed our horses with some difficulty. It was very darkj 
so we were obliged to lie at the negroes' quarters that night. 

30th. — At eight mounted our horses, fasting ; at ten we 
crossed Piaukatank Ferry, and mounted again, but being stran- 
gers to the road, we came out of our way to Ivy River. We 
returned to the road, and passed by Gloucester County Court 
House. At three we came to Gloucester Town upon York 
River ; we crossed the ferry and came to York Town ; we 
went to Power's Ordinary, where we lay all night. 

I accompted, and found that my journey to New-York 
and back again cost me twenty-four pounds. 

Saturday, 1st December. 1716. — At nine in the morning 
set out, accompanied Mr. Kearney a mile from the town, and 
there took my leave of my fellow-traveller, and at eleven 
reached Williamsburg. 1 went and visited the Governor and 
my acquaintance. 

Zd December. — Set out from Williamsburg, and went to 
my plantation in King William County, and got together 
my servants and overseer, who had all run away, and put 
things into some order. 

'$>th. — I returned to Williamsburg, and on the 11th, re- 
ceived news that my brother Peter had arrived at Hampton, 
and I went down to meet him, and on the 1 4th, he and his 
wife came up with me to Williamsburg, where we all took 
up our lodging, and in a few days my brother and I went to 
view the parishes and the plantations, and on the 29th got 
back to Williamsburg. 

In February, 1717, Peter got a presentation to Roanoke 



JOURNAL OF JOHN FONTAINK. 307 

Parish, and preached there. We all removed there in the 
month of March, and lodged at Captain Harwood's. I be 
came very sick of the fever and ague, which continued until 
the month of May. when being somewhat better. I returned 
to the plantation in King William County. I bought another 
servant, which cost me £11 5, sterling. 

October, 1717. — My brother James and his family arrived 
at York Town, and though I was very sick, I went down to 
meet them, so wo all came up together in the ship to Cap- 
tain Littlepage's. The houses that I was building, not being 
quite finished, when my bi'other's family arrived, they lodged 
at one Mr. Sutton's near the plantation. 

By the 7th November, every thing was completed, so that 
we brought all our things and came to live there. 

In November, we also sheathed the ship, which had sprung 
a leak during the passage, and when she was repaired and 
well fitted out. we tried to soil her, but could not ; so we 
afterwards freighted her for Bristol, and in January, 1718, 
she fell down the river. 

When my brother James and his family were settled on the 
plantation. I bought twenty-one head of cattle, one horse, eleven 
hogs, and another servant, and left every thing to the manage- 
ment of my brother. I was very sick for about five months, 
and so was all our family, so we had a great deal of trouble. 

27^/i March, 1718. — I received a letter from my brother- 
in-law, Mr. Matthew Maury, to say that he was at Captain 
Eskridge's house, with his goods ; where he would wait fur 
me. I was not well, and the weather was wet and rainy, but I 
set out immediately, and crossed the ferry at Mr. Baylor's, and 
rid afterwards seven miles in the rain, and about an hour 
after night I came to one Bridgeworth's, where I lay. 



308 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

2'8th. — I got up very sick next morning, but set out fast 
ing. The day was very windy. I got about eight miles on 
my way, when my fever increased so much, and the pains in 
my head and bones, that I could ride no farther, and was 
forced to alight. At about ten of the clock I came to a 
poor widow woman's house, where I was for about two hours 
quite senseless. I was then taken with a violent vomiting, 
and my fever abated something, so I got on horseback again 
and rid to the ferry on Rappahannoc, where I lay that night 
— badly entertained. 

29i/i. — Crossed the river, and got to Captain Eskridge's 
house at seven, and found that Mr. Maury was gone. Being 
very sick, I remained until the 1st of April to recruit, and on 
that day I mounted my horse and rid as far as Mr. Naylor's 
house, where I lay. 

2c?. — Crossed the river in a small boat, and was in great 
danger of being drowned. Got to Mr. Baylor's, where I lay 
that night, and went home next day. I made upon this jour- 
ney in all, going and coming, 135 miles. 

22c? April. — I went down to Williamsburg to meet Mr. 
Maury, who had come round there. We hired a flat to convey 
his goods up the river; On the 25th, the goods were em- 
barked, and we went to the Oyster Banks, and took in a great 
many oysters to carry home with us. We went about six 
miles up the river, and then we stopped for the night. We 
came as close to the land as we could, and stuck an oar in the 
mud, and tied our flat to it, and there we lay till it was day, 
A cold place. 

26^A. — Took up our oar and rowed about four miles, the 
wind at N. W., blew very hard. We were blown in on the 
shore, and the sea was very high, and thei'e was no possibility 



JOURNAL OF JOHN FONTAINE. 309 

of lauding, so we were obliged to throw out all our oysters, tc 
lighten the boat. We shipped a gi-eat deal of water, and 
having no anchor, we were like to drive on the mud and lose 
the flat. About two of the clock, the weather calming, we set 
out again, and made five miles, when the wind came to N. W., 
and such a violent storm, that we were obliged to put before 
the wind, and when we had gone back about a mile, we ran 
the flat ashore upon the strand, where we thumped mightily. 
The wind continued very high, but the tide being fallen, we 
unloaded the goods, expecting that when the tide would rise 
again, the boat would go to pieces. By twelve of the clock 
at night, we had all our goods on shore, but there being no 
house near, we lay upon the strand all night, and it rained 
very hard, so that we were wet to the skin. The wind abated 
a little, and as the tide rose, we drew up the flat nearer shore, 
and got her up as far as we could, and received no damage 
but being wet with both salt and fresh water. 

11th. — We put the goods on board again, first thing in the 
morning, and the wind abated during the day, so that we were 
able to continue on our way, and we got to West Point about 
nine of the clock at night. 

28^/i. — Came to Captain Littlepage's, and next day we got 
to Philip Williams his ferry, where we landed the goods. 

I remained on the plantation till the Gth of June, and 
then went down to Williamsburg, and settled all my business 
with Mr. Irewin and Major Holloway. On the i6th, I spoke to 
Captain Bonnequil, and agreed with him for my passage home. 
On the 17th of July, 1718, I made over the deeds of the 
land to my brother James, in order to go to England. 

Uh August. — I received a letter from Mr. Freneau to say 
that there was a ship coming consigned to me ; so I got my 



olO MKMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT KAMir.V. 

things on shore, left my fowls with the master, and paid him 
twenty-two shillings for the charges I had put him to.* As 
soon as my goods were landed from the vessel, I came to York 
Town, thence to Williamsburg, and so to the plantation, which 
I reached on the 10th August. 

\9th December, 1718. — Received news of the arrival of the 
Henry and Margaret, consigned to me. I went immediately 
to her and entered her, landed the goods, and sold the most 
part of them, and kept the ship till the 7th June, 1719, when 
I set sail in her from James River, and on the 18th July, we 
came to Weymouth, on the 19th to Cowes, in the Isle of Wight 
where 1 remained three days. 

22cl. — I left Cowes, and crossed the bay to Southampton. 

2od. — I set out in the stage-coach for London, and arrived 
about eight of the clock. I took a hackney-coach, and went 
to Mr. Arnauld's, at Islington, where I remained until the 
24th November, 1719, about the business of the cargo, and 
doing what I could for another voyage, but all to no purpose ; 
so, on the 24th November, I left London. My horse tired at 
Coventry ; so, on the 27th, I took the stage-coach, and came 
to Chester on the 29th. On the 30th, I hired three horses 
for Holyhead. 

1st December. — I lay at Bangor ; the 2d arrived at Holy- 
head, and went upon the top of the hill, from whence I could 
see Ireland. The 5th I embarked, and the 6th arrived in the 
Bay of Dublin, I took the wherry and landed by twelve, and 
came to Stephen's Green. 

* I understood afterwards, that in sroinsr home this vessel foundered, 
and all on board perished; so that I have great reason to return thanks to 
God for my preservation at this tinu- ; for I was fully resolved to go with 
him, had I not been prevented liy Mr. Freneau's letter, which came to my 
hands four days before Captain B()iHiei.|iiil sailed for England. 



miERESTING FAMILY MEETING FOR RELIGIOUS 

PURPOSES. 

The next interesting item of family history, which we aro 
able to bring to light, is the fact, that, after our ancestors 
emigrated to Virginia, they were in the habit of mooting an- 
nually, to hold a solemn religious thanksgiving, in commemo- 
ration of their remarkable preservation, when attacked by 
French privateers, in the south of Ireland. 

The following sermon was preached on one of these occa- 
sions, by the Rev. Peter Fontaine. It bears the date upon 
it, and also a pencil memorandum of the Psalms and Lessons 
which he had selected as appropriate to the services of the 
day. 

1st June 1723. 

PROPER PSALMS XVIII., CIIL, CXVIII. 

I. LESSON. Exodus xiv. 

IL LESSON. Ephesians vi., from v. 14 to the end. 

COLLECT. 

Almighty and most glorious Lord God, who dost render 
ineffectual the most subtle devices and best concerted mea- 
sures of wicked and haughty men, and didst as at this time 
with a high hand and lifted up arm deliver us from our in- 
veterate enemies ; and hast sundry times before and since 



312 MEMOIKS OF A JIUGUENOT FAMILY. 

exerted thy power iu our favor ; graut that we may always 
bear so grateful a sense of these thy mercies in our minds, as 
may engage us to embrace all opportunities of worshipping 
and glorifying and praising thee, with one mind and with 
one mouth, through Jesus Christ our Lord, who taught us, &c. 



SERMON. 

EoMANS, chap. XV. v. 6. 

That ye may with one mind and one mouth glorify God, even the Father 

of our Lord Jesus Christ. 

The Apostle, after having spent the fourteenth chapter in ge- 
neral exhortations and directions to stronger Christians, con- 
cerning their behavior towards their weaker brethren, in 
the use of their Christian liberty about things indifferent, 
and in advising them neither to be censorious in judging, nor 
yet to put a stumbling-block in the way one of another, pro- 
ceeds in the former part of this chapter in the prosecution of 
the same argument and design, enjoining their forbearance 
from the example of our Blessed Lord, and concluding his 
exhortations and instructions witli this short prayer to Al- 
mighty God, that they may with one heart, and one mind, 
glorify him ; that is, that whatever reason they may have for 
small differences amongst themselves, they should lay them all 
aside, but more especially when they are about to give God 
glory. 

I shall, therefore, upon this occasion, from these words 
observe to you . 



I 



PEKMON. 313 

Firstly^ The duty here enjoined, that is, to glorify God. 

Secondly, The manner of performing it, that is, with one 
mind and one mouth. And, 

Thirdly, Put you in mind of your high obligations to 
comply with this duty, not only because of the signal deliver 
ance which we are met together to celebrate, but by reason oi 
that infinite number which God hath vouchsafed to favor us 
with at other times, no less worthy our remembrance and 
thanks. 

I begin with the duty here prescribed, and that is, to glo- 
rify God, by which we may not understand that wc can add 
any thing to the glory and perfection of the divine nature, for 
that is not in our power ; for God is the same yesterday and 
to-day, and admits of no new accessions to his glory, by any 
thing we can say or do. The glorifying of God consists chiefly 
in these two things — in a high and honorable esteem and re- 
verence for him in our hearts, and likewise in all outward ex- 
pressions of honor, duty, and reverence towards him in our 
lives. The one is internal honor, whereby we are said to 
glorify God in our souls and spirits, the other is external, 
whereby we glorify him by our conversation and behavior. 

I say, to glorify God is to have a high and honorable 
esteem and reverence for him in our hearts ; to entertain 
thoughts worthy of him, and have conceptions imprinted in 
our minds, suitable to the eminence and perfections of his na 
ture, that is to apprehend him to be really as he is — superla- 
tively good, wise, powerful, holy, and just ; to take him for our 
Maker and Preserver, and to own our absolute and entire de- 
pendence upon him, and pay him our homage and adoration 
accordingly. In such internal and devout acts of the mind, 
does the glorifying of God chiefly and principally consist; 
14 



314 MEMOmS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

and without these it would be vain for any person to pretend 
that he doth in any measure comply with the duty in the 
text, though it doth not rest here, but manifests itself, 

Secondly, In external acts and expressions of honor suit- 
able to them To have such high thoughts of his infinite 
power and greatness, as to make us dread and stand in awe of 
him ; such apprehensions of his justice as to make us fear of- 
fending him ; such an esteem of his wisdom as to cause us to 
admire him ; and such a sense of his goodness, as to put us 
upon all acts of adoring and worshipping him, and to influ- 
ence our whole behavior with regard to him and our neighbor. 
This the Psalmist styles, the giving unto God the honor that 
is due to his name, and worshipping him with a holy worship. 
Now, as this duty cannot be any where performed with such 
advantage as where the faithful are assembled together for 
that purpose, let us, therefore, with the royal prophet, take 
all opportunities to give thanks unto God, in the great congre- 
gation, and praise him among much people ; and not only so, 
but let us, as we are in duty bound, and by promise engaged, 
miss no opportunity of assembling ourselves together, upon 
the days which we have set apart for returning our most 
hearty and unfeigned thanks for the great deliverances vouch- 
safed to our family, and glorify, and thank, and praise God 
with one heart and one mouth. 

And this leads unto the second thing I proposed to speak 
to ; to wit, the manner of performing this duty implied in 
these words of the text, where we have the unanimity that is 
to be observed in our devotions. To excite and encourage us 
to this, we have many precepts both in the Old and New Tes- 
tament. Holy David calls upon the the people to worship the 
Lord in the beauty of holiness ; that is, with a comely order 



SEKMOX. 315 

and harmony which will add a grace to it, and make it look 
fair and amiable. Elsewhere he wills them to serve and 
praise the Lord together, which refers in some measure to trie 
unity of place, but more particularly to the unity of mind. 
hat it be done with one heart, and with one consent. 

In the New Testament we find our Saviour making our 
agreement in our petitions necessary to the success of them , 
saying, If two or more shall agree on earth touching any thing 
that they shall ask, it shall be done for them of my Father 
who is in heaven, for where two or three are gathered together 
in my name, there am I in the midst of them ; where 'tis the 
harmony of our prayers, or the offering them up with one ac- 
cord and one mind, that procures audience and acceptance of 
them ; and therefore the last thing our blessed Lord prayed 
for in the behalf of his disciples and followers, was for this 
unity and harmony of mind : " That they all may be one ; as 
thou. Father, art in me, and I in thee, that they also may be one 
in us ; that the world may believe that thou hast sent me ;" 
where he begs his Father to work the hearts of his followers 
to that temper of mind and affection that was between his 
Father and him, which would be the best argument to convince 
mankind of the truth of his mission and doctrine ; for the world 
would sooner believe that God had sent him, if his disciples 
could agree together in what they desire, and in what they 
profess, rather than if they clash or differ in either, and pray 
without or against one another ; for which reason St. Paul be- 
seeches the Corinthians by the name of Christ, that ;here 
might be no divisions amongst them in those things, but 
that they may be perfectly joined together in the same mind 
and in the same judgment. In his Epistle to the Philip- 
((ians he exhorts them to stand fast in one spirit and in one 



316 MEMOIKS OF A HUoUENOT FAMILY. 

mind, striving togetlier for the faitli of the Gospel ; and fur- 
ther, he beseeches them by all that is dear and sacred, to ba 
like-minded, having the same love, being of one accord and ot 
one mind, which is what our text here calls us to. And that 
this is a possible duty we find from many passages both in the 
Old and New Testament. Jerusalem, which in the Scripture 
phrase signifies the whole nation of the Jews, is expressly said 
to be at unity within itself, for thither the tribes went up, 
even the tribes of the Lord, to testify unto Israel, and to give 
thanks unto the name of the Lord, which the Psalmist de- 
clares as matter of great joy. " I was glad," says he, " when 
they said unto me, we will go unto the house of the Lord. 
Our feet shall stand in thy gates, Jerusalem." 

In the New Testament we read of i-t.-e primitive Christiana 
that they were all of one heart and or one mind ; that they 
were continually together in the temple blessing and praising 
God ; that they met together, in one place, with one accord, 
and with one mind ; that they continued steadfast in the 
Apostle's doctrine and fellowshif. in breaking bread, and in 
prayer ; all which, and many more testimonies that might be 
cited, plainly show that blessed harmony and concord that 
was found among them in matters of religion and the worship 
of God, and that there was a time when men joined together 
with one mind to glorify their great Creator. The many pre- 
cepts to unity show it to be a possible and a practicable duty, 
and the many sharp rebukes of divisions, and cautions against 
neglects of this kind, manifest that they are not unavoidable, 
else the precepts and rebukes would both be to no purpose. 

Having now done with the duty here enjoined, as also the 
manner of performing it. there remains that we consider in 
the third place the particular obligations our family are un 



SERMON. 317 

der of complying with It. Let us pass by those we are under 
to Almighty God for our creation, preservation and redemp- 
tion, and all the other blessings of this life, which are without 
number, and which we enjoy in common with the rest of man- 
kind, and let us turn our eyes upon that continued chain of 
miracles which hath been wrought in our favor, and which are 
sufficient to rouse the most stupid to a sense of the duty en 
joined in the text. To date our relation as high as the deli- 
verance of our parents out uf the bondage of France, we will 
find subject matter enough to make us cry out with holy 
David, " how great is thy goodness which thou hast laid up 
for them that fear thee, which thou hast wrought for them that 
trust in thee before the sons of men." 

Several months was our parent obliged to shift amongst 
forests and deserts for his safety, because he had preached the 
word of God to a congregation of innocent and sincere per- 
sons, who desired to be instructed in their duty and confirmed 
in their faith. The woods afforded him a shelter, and the rocks 
a resting-place ; but his enemies gave him no quiet until, of 
his own accord, he delivered himself up to their custody. 
They loaded his hands with chains, his feet stuck fast in the 
mire, a dungeon was his abode, and murderers and thieves his 
companions, until God, by the means of a pious gentlewoman, 
whose kindness ought to be remembered by us even to latest 
posterity, withdrew him from thence, and was the occasion 
that his confinement was more tolerable. 

His charge was preaching in the woods and praying aloud 
in the prison ; by the former they pretended that he perverted 
the fidelity of the people towards their prince, and by the 
latter interrupted their devotions at Mass, both which accusa- 
tions, could tliey have been fairly made out, would have 



'Sib MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

proved matter of death, or at least long imprisonmeut ; but 
He. who blows upon the schemes of the wicked, and baffles all 
their designs, had so contrived it that the witnesses should 
mistake the date of the time that he preached, and the sub- 
stance of the prayer, insomuch that he was released, to the 
great satisfaction of his friends. 

Alas ! his sorrows for this time did not end here, but 
rather this was the beginning of woe. During his confinement, 
which had lasted neai'ly a year, his flock had either been van- 
quished or scattered, there was scarcely any footsteps of them to 
be traced. 

The persecution grew warmer and sharper, and whosoever 
would not bow the knee before Baal was cast into prison, 
where soul and body were kept together merely that they might 
endure the torment of a thousand deaths. The faggot and 
sword, the wheel and the galleys, were employod in making 
converts to that monstrous churcli. 

There. Rome ! did thy emissaries glut themselves with 
the spoils of the innocent, and wallowed in the blood of the 
guiltless ; there, if ever, wert thou satiated with cruelty and 
revenge. 

At that time our father, with his beloved and much- 
lamented consort, our dear mother, was obliged to flee for 
safety. They left friends and relatives, brothers and sisters, 
lands and houses, and all they held dear, for the sake of Him 
who once laid down his life for them. Human nature is inca- 
pable of more glorious conduct than theirs, which could have 
been carried to no higher degree of perfection, unless God had 
required them to seal their faith with their blood. Such 
actions are above the conception and envy of the mean part of 
mankind, and can fire none but the most generous souls. It 



SERMON. 319 

is the pious courage aud divine resolution of our parents, that 
we, their descendants, with eagerness should desire to inherit 
a great measure of, in case God should think fit to lay upon 
us this heavy task. We may look back and see them, hand in 
hand, flying from the pestilential breath of the whore of Baby 
Ion, making their escape through difiiculties and dangers, 
death pursuing close behi-nd, until at last they were safely 
landed on the English shore. Thus. Lord, didst thou exert 
thy mighty arm in behalf of our parents, and withdrew them 
from the slavery of Egypt. Thou broughtest them through 
the great and wide ocean, and placedst their feet on dry land 
in a place of safety. 

This is but a short and imperfect sketch of the deliverance 
which God wrought in behalf of those who were immediately 
before us. What he did for our fathers in former days is not 
as yet come to my knowledge, but if I mistake not, some of 
them were favored with great and mighty deliverances. 

As to ourselves, I need make use of no argument to per- 
suade you that we have been the peculiar care of the Almighty, 
and that he hath delivered us sundry times from dangers and 
death. These were refreshed to our memories, after a very 
lively manner, in that good and pious discourse which was de- 
livered to us this morning, and which ought not to fail of hav- 
ing a lasting eff"ect upon our future behavior. 

What I would endeavor to impress upon your minds is, 
that these mercies loudly call for our sincere thanks and hum- 
ble acknowledgments, and that we must be highly insensible, if 
we cannot perceive the necessity of it. 

Doth God vouchsafe to save and deliver in this mu-aculous 
manner, and can we forget? Can we scarcely be prevailed 
upon to spare two days in one year to meet together, aud glo- 



320 MEMOIES OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY 

rify him with one heart aud with one mouth ? When the fira 
and the sword, death and destruction stared us in the face, we 
would have been glad to compound for many days of hard and 
difficult service ; nay, had God desired some great thing of ua 
that we should have remembered these deliverances daily, we 
should not have thought it hard. But perhaps time, which 
consumes and devours every thing, hath blotted these mercies 
out of our minds and memories ; or, our powerful Protector 
hath shortened his arm on some occasions since, and hath not 
proved the same God still, to save and deliver. No ; surely 
it can be neither the one nor the other of these, for it is but 
nineteen years since the first, and fourteen since the last hap- 
pened ; and his wonders have been manifested sundry times since. 
This neglect in some measure proceeds from the same in- 
fatuation which possessed the Israelites formerly, when God 
by his prophet Hosea reprimands them for their slothfulness 
and inconstancy. " Ephraim, what shall I do unto thee ? 
Judah, what shall I do unto thee? for your goodness is as 
a morning cloud, and as the early dew it goeth away." God's 
favors are showered upon us abundantly, I may say, as the 
dew of the morning ; but to what purpose, if we are unmind- 
ful of them, and sufi"er the cares of the world to stifle our 
gratitude ? Can we be so unreasonable as to imagine that he 
will for ever give, if we continue to forget ? 

Common blessings, such as he dispenseth to just and un- 
just, he will not, perhaps, deprive us of. He will not make 
our inheritance dry, while he watereth that of our neighbor. 
But are these the only blessings we stand indebted for ? Are 
these such as gave rise to the solemnity of this day in particu- 
lar? Are we favored with no other distinguishing marks of 
his kind Providence and goodness? What, then, mean those 



SERMON. 321 

wonderful deliverances vouchsafed to our forefathers time out 
of mind, those to our immediate parents, and those to our- 
selves without number ? 

Let these reflections, my brethren, be a spur to all noble 
and generous exercises ; and as God hath thought fit to distin- 
guish us by his miraculous care and protection, and hath in- 
creased our family considerably, let us distinguish ourselves 
by our virtue, and our zeal for his service. Let our eyes, in- 
structed to survey higher objects, overlook the dazzling and 
false grandeur of the world, pierce through the clouds and va- 
pors which intercept, and fix upon the Sun of Righteousness 
only. Let our hearts admit of no affections or passions to the 
prejudice of those which are due to our great Deliverer, and 
let the whole man, body and soul, be dedicated to his service. 
Let us, as the Apostle in the text enjoins, with one heart and 
one mind glorify God. Let us, upon no trivial occasion, omit 
assembling ourselves together, for God, without exception of 
one more than the other, in the day that our enemies pressed 
sore upon us, delivered us all ; and shall any of us be back- 
ward to return him thanks ? No, certainly ; I hope better 
things of you, my brethren, and that none of you can be so de- 
generate as to return his lovinff-kindness thus with inijratitude. 

It is the joy and happiness of angels, and their continual 
exercise by praise and thanksgiving, to glorify the Lord of the 
whole universe. Why may not we take the opportunity to 
imitate them, by joining our hearts and voices to the heavenly 
chorus? Our deliverances have been wonderful and miracu- 
lous, and why may not our thanks be accompanied with 
rapture? Praise the Lord, O my soul, and all that is within 
me praise his holy name. Let the people praise thee, O God ; 

yea, let all the people praise thee. These should be upon all 
14* 



322 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

occasions our themes, and we should be delighted with these 
divine hymns. Could we once raise our souls to that pitch of 
devotion, the world and all its false splendor would pass by us 
unobserved, and its necessary incumbrances would seem to be 
only small lets and hindrances to our divine contemplations. 
Virtue and religion would be our chief study, and we should 
leave them as an inheritance to our children. 

And since the only way to communicate the knowledge of 
the great deliverance of the Almighty to our families and 
children hereafter, is, to set apart certain seasons yearly to re- 
new them to our minds and memories ; let me beseech you by 
all that is dear and sacred, not to absent yourselves from these 
meetings upon any slender excuse, but that you be ready and 
willing at all times, with one mind and mouth to glorify God. 
Some may perhaps say, that this duty may be as well per- 
formed by each one in his own particular family ; but I leave 
it to your own judgments, whether you think this will redound 
so much to the glory of God and the good of our souls. Nay, 
let me ask whether you have not been more deeply affected 
with the importance of this duty at those times when it has 
been our happiness, with one mind and one heart, to join in 
glorifying our great Creator ? Has not your zeal and devo- 
tion been then carried to a greater height than at any other 
time ; and at the conclusion of the day have you not felt more 
comfort and satisfaction from your performances ? I am apt 
to think that you have all found an inexpressible difference. 
There is something in acknowledgment which is burdensome 
to a grateful soul, and requires to be communicated before it 
can be easy. It is this which makes the royal Prophet launch 
out into so great lengths, as to invite the most inanimate 
things to his assistance, when he is about to give God glory. 



SERMON. 323 

He says : Praise ye him sun and moon, and all ye stars of 
light. Praise the Lord from the earth, ye dragons, and all 
deeps ; fire and hail, &c., &c. 

For my part I feel a sensible accession to my joy in the 
presence of each one of you, and I cannot but think that 
every single person adds weight before the throne of grace to 
our reasonable petitions, and altogether harmony and beauty 
to our praises and thanksgivings, and invites a greater mea- 
sure of the Holy Spirit. This is the way indeed to praise 
the Lord in the beauty of holiness, and to worship him with a 
holy worship. 

We, whose duty it is to administer unto you in holy 
things, will not fail laying before you after the best manner 
we are able, the remarkable deliverances which have been 
performed in favor of our family, and put you in mind of 
your high obligations, nay, we will endeavor to go before you 
in the performance of this duty of thanksgiving by our exam- 
ple and instruction, and would to God that every one of you 
would strive not only to come after or keep up with us, but 
rather to excel us in these things. 

Would to God that you would make it youi business to 
teach them to your children, that they may be qualified to 
perpetuate them to infinite generations to come, and thereby 
engage the protection and draw down the oiessiugs of the Al- 
mighty upon them. For God is not like Isaac who had no 
aiore than one blessing in store. He hath millions of mil- 
lions to bestow upon them who love and fear him. He can 
bless in time of war, he can bless in time of peace, he can 
bless in time of sickness, he can bless in time of health,* he 

* The ancient mannscript broke oflF here, and the sermon has baec 
fluiHhed Dy a dillerent nand. 



324 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY, 

can bless in the days of poverty and in those of prosperity. 
Let us not faint, my brethren, if our Heavenly Father should 
see fit to try our faith in the furnace of affliction. We have, 
his assurance that all things work together for good to them 
that love the Lord. All things! What can he more com- 
prehensive and encouraging? Let us then love the Lord and 
trust in him. "Blessed is the man that trusteth in the Lord, 
and whose hope the Lord is ; for he shall be as a tree planted 
by the waters, and that spreadeth out her roots by the river, 
and shall not see when heat cometh, but her leaf shall be 
green, and shall not be careful in the year of drought, neither 
shall cease from yielding fruit." "Trust ye in the Lord for 
ever, for in the Lord Jehovah is everlasting strength." For 
of him, and through him, and to him are all things, to whom 
be glory for ever. Amen. 



LETTERS OF MARY ANN MAURT 



Septemher 2^Z, 1745. 

Dfae Sister: — I received your most cordial and affectionate 
letter, which I assure you was a sensible pleasure to me, 
though so far distant, that I have the opportunity of convers- 
ing with one who has been from infancy till now so dear 
to me. 

I thank you for your kind wishes for my son James, and 
I hope they will be accomplished. He is now in his turn 
very edifying to us, please God he continues as he has begun. 
He and his wife are not gone to housekeeping yet, but their 
house will be ready for them at Christmas. The Lord send 
his blessing upon them. I dare say she will prove an indus- 
trious woman, for she hath been brought up to it. They have 
a son, with which she spares no pains that a loving mother is 
»apable of My son and she love each other tenderly, so I 
have great hopes of their being happy, which is a great plea- 
'vure to us. Thank God, my dear partner continues in good 
nealth, but dear Molly is always sickl}'. Aby is, thank God, 
very well. 

As I believe you wish to know the state of all our families 
here, T shall begin with my brother James. His first wife is 



826 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

dead, and left four daughters and two sons. The youngest 
daughter, named Ann, has lived several years with my niece 
Mary Ann Winston, and I hope will turn out well. My 
brother is married again, but to who or what sort of a woman 
I cannot say. They live so far from us that we receive more 
intelligence from you than from him. 

My brother Peter's first wife Lizzy was one of the love- 
liest creatures I ever saw. God had endowed her with all 
the virtues of a good Christian, a good wife, and a watchful 
mother. She never let the least thing pass in her children 
that had any appearance of evil in it, and was very tender of 
them. She was an obliging neighbor, charitable to the poor, 
beloved of all them that knew her, and most dear to us. The 
girl she left I brought up, named Mary Ann, and to my great 
comfort she inherits the character of her mother, as also does 
her brother Peter, so that they are loved and respected of all. 

As to my niece, she is well provided for, she is married to 
a young gentleman named Isaac Winston, who hath a very 
good fortune, and a spotless reputation. They live very hap- 
pily together, and have two sons. 

My brother Peter's present wife is a lovely, sweet-tem- 
pered woman, and she, Mary Ann, and Peter have an unusual 
tenderness for one another ; and I believe if they were her 
own children, she could not show more tenderness to them. 
My brother hath two children by her, a boy and girl. The 
boy is named Moses. I hope God will spare my brother's life 
to raise them, as he hath the other two, who are examples 
of piety and wisdom, and a great comfort to their parents 
and to us. 

I wish it lay in my power to give you as pleasing a de- 
scription of brother Francis, but to my great grief I cannot 



LETTERS OF MART ANN MAURY. 327 

express the dismal state of his family. As for his first wife 
she was, I believe, a good Christian, and very careful to instil 
good principles in her children ; but she was not a fit wife for 
this country, so by that means, and by her ignorance of coun- 
try business, my brother was almost ruined in his estate. 
She left one girl and three boys, and if it had pleased God 
to have taken them with her, it would have been a great bless- 
ing; for this woman he has married is a mighty housewife, 
but a cruel woman, and she has the entire dominion over her 
husband, so he has been induced to cast ofi" all paternal duty 
to his first children. His eldest son Francis that was a boy 
of good parts, and was in the College, he bound to a carpen- 
ter, and when he was sick and in necessity he had no bowels 
of compassion for him. They are going to bind John to a 
carpenter, God in his great mercy hath lately taken the 
youngest son, named Thomas, from under her tyranny. As 
for poor Molly, the negro women she brought with her are 
more indulgently used than she is. 

My brother has a boy and girl by her, and he spares no 
pains with the boy, who is about seven years old, who is a 
wonder for his age, while the others are castaways. 

I did my best to get the poor girl away from her, but she 
was too serviceable. 

I assure you, dear sister, it has been a great grief to me to 
see one I loved so well, one in his station, a shepherd to guide 
his flock, that he should be so inhuman to his own flesh and 
blood. He is grown an enemy to all our families liere, to 
ours especially, because I reminded him of his duty to his 
children, for which good will of mine we are quite rejected, as 
are all otbf^rs that do not like of her doings. She is his only 
lawgiver, a terrible exchange for that of his Maker. 



328 MEMOIES OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

This is the melancholy state of his family, which I pray 
God in his own good time to rectify. I desire you will show 
this rel&,tion to my brother John. The Lord preserve us all 
in a due sense of our duty in our several stations, so that no 
sonsiderations whatsoever may induce us to offend our Maker, 
but that we may work out our salvation with fear and trem- 
bling, which is the hearty prayer of her who remains with all 
sincerity, dear sister, 

Your most loving and affectionate sister, 

Mary Ann Maury. 

Mr. Maury tells me that my brother John knows my 
brother Francis's wife very well, if he can remember. She is 
*he daughter of one Brush, who was a gunsmith to Col. Spots- 
wood. He used to clean the magazines and the Gover 
uor's arms at the same time my brother John was at the 
Governor's. 



July the 17th, 1750. 

Dear Brother Moses : — I cannot express the pleasure 
your pious and affectionate letter gave me, for by sister To- 
rin's letter, I expected to hear I had lost a most dear and 
affectionate brother. The Lord be praised, who hath so gra- 
ciously heard my prayers in your behalf. I may cry our 
with hcly David on this, as well as on many other occasionp, 
" What shall I render to the Lord for all his benefits." 

I tbank you, my dear brother, for your good wishes for thr 
restoralion of my health : nothing is impossible to our great 
Creator, who hath but to will it, and I shall be whole. But why 
should I be so presumptuous, at the age of sixty years, a? t<. 



LETTERS OF MARY ANN MAURT. 329 

expect a much longer continuance here? I ought rather to 
prepare for eternity, for I am persuaded that these light afflic- 
tions, which are but for a moment, work out for us a far more 
exceeding and eternal weight of glory. I still continue in 
the same weakly condition ; but, thanks be to God, who ena- 
bles me to bear it with patience and submission. His blessed 
will be done, and give rae grace to make a right use of my 
suffering, looking beyond this corruptible to that glorious and 
incorruptible state of glory, which God hath reserved for 
them that love him, to which I hope, through the merits of 
my Saviour, to come, and to which happy state I pray God we 
may all arrive, where, of his infinite mercy, we shall enjoy 
each other to all eternity. Dear brother, your Christian sen- 
timents and exhortations are always most delightful to me. I 
would have writ you a longer epistle if my weakness had per- 
mitted me. It is a trouble to me that I cannot entertain vou 
as usual with the state of our families here, but Mr. Maury 
will inform you of it. All I can add at present is, to assure 
you, dear brother, that I remain, unalterably till death, 

Your loving and affectionate sister and servant to command, 

Mary Ann Maury. 



April the \5fh, 1752. 

Dear Brothers : — I have received your dear and af!"cc- 
fionatc letters, and am thankful to God that he hath in some 
measure restorc<l you to your healths again ; may he be 
pleased to continue it to you and yours whilst it is his good 
pleasure, who knows what is best for us. 

I suppose, dear brothers, my son James hath informed you 
of the irreparable loss both to me and my children. I have 



330 MEMOIRS OF A HFGTJENOT FAMILY. 

been deprived of the dearest partner of my joys and affections 
and they of the most affectionate father. He made the most 
uneasy things tolerable to me, and though I knew we were 
mortal, and that we must soon part, yet by my continual 
indispositions, I thought my labors were the nearest at an 
end. and that God in his mercy would have hearkened to my 
prayers, and let me pass first out of this vale of misery, and 
that I should never feel the loss of such a dear and worthy 
partner, which was endowed with all the virtues of a good 
Christian, without ostentation, loved by all, and envied by 
none. If it were not that I soon expect a change, my life would 
seem intolerable ; for I can say with holy Job, I would not 
live always. 

Cruel self-love, that I should lament the happiness of that 
good soul which is gone before me, to attain the immortal 
crown of glory which God hath promised through the merits 
of our blessed Saviour, to them that trust in him. God's will 
be done ! May he, in his great mercy, support and relieve 
me in this my weak and low condition, both of body and mind 
and make me have a true sense of all his former blessings be 
stowed so undeservedly on me and mine, and also make me 
grateful for those he has in his mercy left me, which cannot 
be numbered. That he hath promised to be the protector of 
the fatherless and widow is my chief comfort, and it will be to 
my life's end, for I know that God will never forsake me, 
though my children may leave me : for, if it please God that 
I sojourn much longer in this state of trial, I must be de 
prived of their sweet company and assistance. 

My dear James hath left me already, in hopes to advance 
his fortune, to the great regret of his flock. My dear Moll) 
%nd her husband are going on the same account, which are 



lett?:rs of maey ann maury. 331 

great additions to my sorrows ; first, to be deprived of the 
dutiful behavior and godly exhortations of James, and then 
of Molly, who is the most dutiful child as ever was, of the 
same happy way of thinking and behavior as her dear father, 
and beloved by all. Thank G^»l, she is very happy in he 
husband. 

As to my dear Aby, I may, in all probability, expect to 
have comfort in him while I remain on this side the grave ; 
for, thank God, he is a youth of a happy temper, very dutiful, 
sober, chaste, honest, and sincere, hearkening to good counsel. 
He was, the 1 8th of last March, twenty-one years old. He 
hath left off the thoughts of following the Law, and doth in- 
tend, God willing, to follow merchandising, of which he has 
had a little insight. The Lord direct them all, and give them 
grace to walk in the steps of their dear father, who was chari- 
table and just, one whose heart never coveted more than a 
moderate portion of worldly goods, the which God granted 
him by his industry to attain. He hath left to each of his 
children a moderate living ; the Lord grant they may make a 
good use of it. 

My dear brother Peter is very often attacked with the 
gout, and could not possibly be with me in my afiBiction. His 
son Peter is such a worthy youth, that he hath attracted the 
love and attention of all considerate men. 

The Lord preserve you and yours, and reward all your 
Christian offices to me and mine, and shower his most pre- 
cious blessings on you in this world, and at the last crown you 
with heavenly joys, is the prayer of her who with sincerity 
styles herself, dear brothers, 

Your most afflicted and affectionate sister, and servant tc 
command, 

Mary Ann Maurt, 



882 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

My hearty love to my dear sister and cousins. I received 
the ring from my son, the token of your loves. I return you 
my thanks for that and a great many more favors. I do m- 
tend lo leave the ring to my dear Molly. 



LETTERS OF THE REV. PETER FONTAINE 

OF WESTOVER, VIRGINIA. 



Virginia, Nov. 4:fh, 1749. 

Dear Brother Moses: — Yours and brother John's letters 
Jated March last, with Mr. Torin's, by way of London, through 
the care of Mr. Carey, merchant there, came safe to our hands 
some time in September last. It is putting brother Torin to 
trouble and some cliarge, sending the letters about, which 
may have a more quick passage by directing them in a cover 
to us to the care of Messrs. Joseph Farrcll, senior and junior 
merchants, in Bristol, who will further them to me by all 
opportunities, provided they are directed to Peter Fontaine, 
minister cf Westover Parish, James River, Va., which you 
may do for the future. 

I observe you have but an indifferent state of health, nc 
more than myself When we are turned of fifty, we must ex 
pect indispositions will creep upon such weak constitutions as 
ours. The rheumatism upon you, and the gout upon me, dis- 
tempers near of kin and very sharp, which, as you well ob- 
serve, we must bear with Christian patience and resignation. 
We are, nevertheless, allowed to struggle against these attacks 
by all lawful moans, such as temperance in meats and driuke. 



334 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

warm clothing, gentle exercise, especially taking the air fre- 
quently on horseback; and though we cannot hereby make 
our shattered tenements sound and strong, yet we may keep 
them up for some time, until we have made our peace with 
God, and served our generation as long as he, in his great 
wisdom, shall see fit. For this reason, I shall give you my 
bill of health, not any prescription of our doctors here, for 
they are very ignorant, but my own observations, by watching 
my constitution diligently. 

I drink no spirituous liquors at all, no small beer ; but 
when I am obliged to take more than ordinary fatigue, either 
in serving my churches, or other branches of my duty, I take 
one glass of good old Madeira wine, which revives me, and 
contributes to my going through without much fatigue. I 
walk much about the family business, and ride constantly 
every morning all over my plantation, giving to my servants 
their several employments, in all which I avoid, as much as 
possible, wet either in my body or feet. I eat very little 
meat of any sort, living chiefly upon bread and butter, greens, 
pulse, and roots, especially Irish and Virginia potatoes, Scotch 
barley, milk, and the like ; and by this regimen have made 
shift to be my own overseer last year, and made a tolerable 
crop. The gout seized me once by my right knee and foot, 
but was entreated to let me get clear without giving me much 
pain. If this be of use in my case, it may in yours, and my 
tale will not appear long or impertinent. 

It is natural to pass from the dying to the dead. Poor 
brother Francis, after having labored under ill health for 
some years, was seized a few months since with a nervous 
fever, which in four or five days time deprived him of his life ; 
and of his senses the very first day. He has left the disposal 



LETTEKS OF PETER FONTAINE. 335 

of all to his wife, who governed him and his with a heavy 
hand. His eldest son, by this means, will have nothing, and 
his second son, and his daughter by his first wife, but what 
she thinks fit to give them. 

Both Frank and John are carpenters, as good trades as 
any in this wooden country. Frank has been some years in 
disgrace, upon account of disobliging his step-dame, and never 
received one farthing but what his master obliged my brother 
to do for him by contract. Frank has been free about six 
years, and is married and has had three children, the eldest 
of which is dead. He lives at the town of New Berne, in 
North Carolina, where he and a fellow-apprentice of his, who 
is married to his wife's sister, have all the carpenter's busi- 
ness between them. His master has been to see them, and 
has been here this week. He gave me a very agreeable ac- 
count of their behavior and circumstances. He is apprised 
that his father hath left him nothing, and hath sent a kind 
invitation to his brother to join him. With the blessing of 
God, I doubt not he will make a thriving man, he being hon- 
est and of good principles. I do not like the place, and dis- 
suaded him from going thither ; but he is capable of serving 
God in his family, and does so, I understand, and is very dili- 
gent and active. They are much beloved, and thrive fast, for 
even knaves choose rather to deal with such men, than their 
like. 

As to Molly, she has been well brought up, so that if she 
an but light of a good match, her personal qualities alone 
may prove better than an ordinary portion. She is a very 
pretty girl, much resembling our dear deceased sister, whom 
you have seen, but of a more hardy constitution. She is now 
about twenty years of age 



& 



336 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

James Maury, his son by this last wife, is a boy of fine 
parts, and I hear goes now to the college. If the vixen's 
over-fondness crush him not in the bud, he will, it is to be 
hoped, make an excellent man, for he knows more than any 
boy in tlie country of his age. His sister, the youngest of 
all, is a pretty girl, but so cockered, that it will not be the old 
lady's fault if she doth not spoil her quite. I hope better 
things, however, and that she may take more after poor So- 
crates than Xantippe. 

May God preserve you, is the hearty prayer of your affec- 
tionate brother and servant, 

Peter Fontaine. 



Virginia, I4th /V6., 1750-1. 

Dear Brother Moses : — I received yours and brother 
John's kind letters by the Virginia Packet, Captain Aselby. 

Since the middle of last August to the middle of Novem- 
ber, we have had continual rain, which has done much mis- 
chief. As to myself and family, we have been troubled with 
continual colds and small fevers, but are now, thank God, 
pretty well recovered. 

Cousin Francis Fontaine came from New Berne in North 
Carolina last November, to see us, and buy some tools which 
could not be had there, and to hire workmen — a journey of 
almost four hundred miles. He is well settled in that place, 
and has much business. He has taken his brother John and 
some other workmen out with him. He paid a visit to his 
step-mother, and though she boasts my brother Francis's 
estate was valued at £1,500 Virginia currency, yet she neither 
gave nor offered him one sous. He has two children, a boy 






LEITKRS OF PETER FONTAEDTE. 337 

oained Francis, about three years old, and a girl of fourteen 
months, named Mary, He has several lots in the town of 
New Berne, and 640 acres of land near it, which supplies him 
with timber for his business. He brought with him sixty 
pistoles, to purchase his tools and other necessaries. His 
step-mother offered to be his security if he wanted more goods, 
than he had cash to pay for, but he refused it, and the mer- 
chant he dealt with told her his own credit was sufficient, if 
he wanted to take the value of £500. 

He only asked of her to see his father's will, and they 
parted contented on both sides, he with the pleasure of having 
his brother with him, and she with that of getting rid of him 
She gave John, however, a negro boy, which he carried with 
him. 

Frank was, by means of her cruelty, cast off without a rag 
to cover him ; and we see how God hath taken him up. and 
hath been to him a most tender and kind Father. He came 
very decently dressed, and my wife observed by the neatness 
of his clothes, and the good sewing of his linen, that his wife 
must be a good seamstress and ingenious woman. I need 
not repeat what I said in my former, that he is beloved and 
respected. 

I sent your kind letter to my son soon after I received 
it. He lives threescore miles, in the woods back from the 
river. I can send a letter to you in as short a time as to 
him. No post travels that way, and I have not heard from 
him at all this two months. He is now out in the forest sur- 
veying, if well, and I do not expect to hear from him till 
April or May. His wife has brought him a fine son, named 
John. My wife was up to see them last August, and she 
says he is the greatest boy of his age she ever saw. He wap 
15 



338 MEMoms OF a huguenot family. 

then three months old. Please God to preserve him ; he will 
have limbs and strength to scuffle through the woods, and 
cope with his fellow foresters, whether human or brute. 

Dear brother, feed much on soup and vegetables, and 
good fruits ; and in the winter good salad oil with endive, 
dandelion, and other bitter salads at your meals, will help 
digestion, cut the tough phlegm which engenders the pleu- 
risy, make good blood, and keep the body in good order. I 
know you eat little meat. Taking the air on horseback in 
fine weather, and your employment in your garden, will keep 
you healthy and cheerful, with God's blessing. Be pleased 
with little things, such as the flourishing of a tree or a plant, 
or a bed of flowers, and fret not at disappointments. Why 
may not the growth of your trees afford you as much plea- 
sure as the flourishing of a colony does to His Majesty, who 
hath as many, God bless him ! as you have trees. Excuse 
this piece of quackery. I give you the same advice I follow 
myself, and am with great sincerity, dear brother. 

Your aff'ectionate, humble servant, 

Peter Fontaine. 



Virginia, 15th April, 1764. 

Dear Brothers John and Moses : — Just received your 
kind letters of 30th November, 1753, dated from your castle, 
with a hard name, and give you joy of your purchase, which, 
if you have a fee simple in it, will be, with God's blessing, a 
pretty revenue for you and one of yours, for many generations. 

While our Merciful Father pours in his blessings upon us 
through one channel, he afflicts through another. I heartily 
3ondole with you, my sister, and the rest of our relations on 



LETTERS OF PETEK FONTAINE. 339 

the other side of the water, upon account of the loss of our 
dear niece, your daughter. 

This world is a kind of warfare, where we meet with good 
and evil, and both dispensed by the same kind hand, to loosen 
our affections from it, and remind us that we have no abiding 
place here, but are reserved for a better. May we all make 
it our chief study to prepare for a blessed change. 

I very much approve of your wise disposal of your boys to 
good trades. Labor was ordained by our good Creator to 
quell the impetuosity of our passions, lest they should run 
into riot if left unsubdued and unemployed ; for which reason, 
considering our present degenerate state, that part of Adam's 
curse which condemned him to labor, hath to him and his 
posterity proved a remarkable blessing ever since ; and, if I 
may be indulged in one thought more, even his fall was of no 
small advantage to all those who will make right reason and 
divine revelation their guide, since the happiness of heaven 
infinitely surpasseth the bliss of Paradise, even in the state 
of innocence. 

As age comes on. my distemper gains ground, and warns 
me to prepare for my change. Last fit of the gout confined 
me to my bed almost three months. I am but just upon the 
recovery, and still very weak, so that without any pretence to 
the spirit of prophecy, I may say, in all probability, this will 
be the last letter you will receive from me. 

The rest of the grave, had not God some wise pur- 
pose for detaining me here, for my own good or the good of 
others, or both, would be preferable to my present state 
For the greatest of earthly blessings, of which I must ac- 
knowledge I partake infinitely more than T deserve, in the 
prosperity of our families here and elsewhere, do not afford 



34r> MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY, 

lUe the same pleasure they used to do. Though I am sin- 
cerely thankful for them, yet the lazy body which 1 drag 
about, and which is never free from pain in my best estate. 
nor bath been, I may truly say, for some years past, soon palls 
my joy, and makes me believe I have arrived at those days men- 
tioned by Solomon, in which I can say, I take no pleasure ex- 
cept in the promises of the Gospel, which I have sincerely be- 
lieved from my youth up until now, and in prospect of a blessed 
eternity, through the merits and mediation of my Blessed Re- 
deemer. God is now my only comfort and stay ; a comfort 
so powerful through his infinite goodness, that it affords me 
relief in my most violent agonies, and chases away all melan- 
choly and desponding thoughts from my heart ; a blessing I 
can never sufficiently thank him for. 

I shall now give you some account of my family. My son 
Moses, the oldest by my second marriage, is going in his 
twelfth year. My daughter Sarah is going in ten. These 
two can read and write, and are beginning to cipher. My 
daughter Elizabeth, going in seven, can spell pretty well. 
My son Joseph is going in six, and my last, Aaron, is about 
four months old. Three days ago I received an account from 
Peter, that his wife was delivered of a third son,named William. 
My daughter Winston, hath three fine boys. Peter, a month 
older than my Moses ; Isaac, about nine years old, apd Wil- 
liam, about six. Their father, Mr. Isaac Winston, is the 
very best of husbands, a man of strict honesty, and possessed 
of a very plentiful estate. With regard to my worldly estate, 
I am full ; I abound with every valuable blessing my heart 
can desire or wish for. 

I look upon a competency, I mean a small estate which 
will, with a man's indu.stry, maintain himself and family, and 



LETTERS OF PETEK FONTAINE. 341 

set him above the necessity of submitting to the humors and 
vices of others, the most happy state this life affords. And 
as we here in Virginia may be said to be all of one trade, 
namely, planters, about one thousand acres of land will keep 
troublesome neighbors at a distance, and a few slaves to make 
corn and tobacco, and a few other necessaries, are sufficient. 
This, God hath enabled me to leave to each of my younger 
children, who you may perceive by what is before, are five in 
number. 

T would by no means add affliction to the afflicted, or give 
a(Jvice when it is too late, but had ycju taken me into your 
counsel when yon were deliberating about marrying my de- 
ceased niece to so near a relation, I should have opposed it, 
and advised you rather to a stranger for her, as I did in the 
case of my own daughter being married to James Maury, all 
friends here being very intent upon the match. 

Marriage was the first divine institution, the only one with 
regard to our neighbor in the state of innocence, and conse- 
quently the best ; joining again by the strictest ties of love 
and duty those who are separated in many degrees by descent 
from our first ancestors ; thus, though by generation we are 
continually falling off one from another, yet the circle meets 
again, and we become one flesh. You may perceive that, con- 
fining these alliances within our own family is straitening 
this circle greatly, making a circle within a circle, a state 
within a state, as the clans of Scotland and the west of Ire- 
land, which is Hdt only of pernicious consequence to the gov- 
ernment, but contrary to the true spirit of Christianity, which 
is the most diffusive of awy, and would have every man look 
upon himself, not as of this or of that nation, but as a citizen 



342 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAlStlLY. 

of the world. This comes too late for what is past, but maj 
be a caution for the future. 

As you desire to know something of sister Maury, I will 
tell you. In the first place, my brother left her the house 
land, and stock, household furniture, and six working slaves 
during her life, besides twenty pounds a year. She lives on 
the mansion plantation, and wants nothing this world affords 
except health, the greatest blessing of all ; but age brings in- 
firmities, and she is perfectly resigned to God's will. Her 
youngest sou, Abraham, lives with her, and is not yet married. 
As far as I can learn, James has got a parish amongst the 
mountains, and is concerned in the Ohio Company, who have 
an entry on Halifax, beginning on the other side, or properly, 
west side of the great mountains, upon the line between North 
Carolina and Virginia, of eight hundred thousand acres ot 
land. His wife's uncle. Colonel Walker, is the chief person 
in this scheme. They have it quite free for some years, and 
sell it to settlers at £3 the hundred acres. They have about 
thirty settlements upon it, if the French and their Indians 
have not routed them lately 

He has three sons, Matthew, James, and Walker, the lat- 
ter a mountain hero, by report, and two daughters, Ann and 
Mary, and his wife, a healthy young creature, who, in all prob- 
ability, will have half a score more. His last letter to me 
consists of three sheets, wrote on all sides, with a box contain- 
ing a piece of antediluvian mud, petrified with the perfect 
print of a cockle-shell upon it, taken from the top of one of 
the Great Mountains, and a piece of sea-coal as good as any 
in Whitehaven, taken out of a broken bank. They have ex- 
cellent limestone, and many other materials for building on 
the other side of the mountains, and want but salt to live 



LETTERS OF PETER FONTAINE. SiS 

comfortably, which, no doubt, is in great plenty, if once 
discovered. 

Have not room to say a word or two about Brothei 
Frank's family and Molly Claiborne, but shall, refer you to 
Moses' particular letter, having no more than is necessary to 
assure you that I am, 

Your affectionate brother and servant, 

Peter Fontaine. 



ViEorOTA, \^tTi April, 1754. 

Dear Brother Moses: — 'Tis kind in you to send me a 
line, though brother John's ample letter might have satisfied 
a moderate appetite that way. 

The first thing I look at is the name at the bottom, and 
having found all things right, I read the rest with pleasure, 
more especially when yours to me are sealed with black wax. 

Though my brother's loss is great in being deprived of his 
only daughter, in the bloom of her years, yet your two pre- 
cious lives, and that of my sister, are of much more conse- 
quence towards directing and providing for the four hopeful 
boys under your management, who as yet are but young, and 
beginning to launch out into the world, an ocean full of locks 
and shoals ; to the inexperienced and unwary most dangerous. 

May God preserve your lives, that you may have the com- 
fort to see the youngest of them well settled in the world, and 
all of them in a fair way to provide for themselves. 

I always correspond with all the family who will be so 
kind as to answer my letters, and have endeavored to instil 
the same maxim in my son Peter, and my nephews James 
Maury and Frank Fontaine, and I reap no small benefit fron^ 



344 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

it ; for next to being with my friends is the pleasure of hear 
ing from them, and knowing how matters go with them in thia 
inconstant and fluctuating world. I am highly pleased to 
find my conduct approved in this particular by those I esteem 
and love, and I hope by this means, when I am gone, there 
will not be wanting some to brighten the chain between us 
here and you in England, many years to come, an Indian but 
very significant expression, signifying to renew the affection 
or alliance between people of different nations, or friends, at a 
distance one from another. 

Francis Fontaine, my brother's oldest boy, lives at New 
Berne, in North Carolina, has three children, two boys and a 
girl. He and his brother John have all the business of the 
town, they both of them being good joiners and carpenters. 
John is lately married to a girl of good fortune and reputa- 
tion, a thing somewhat scarce in those parts, as they have no 
established laws and very little of the Gospel in that whole 
colony. I hear from them once a year, and am put to it to 
find conveyances to send my letters, or get any from them. 
They live at least 400 miles from hence, and there are very 
few opportunities by water, they having little trade to Vir- 
ginia. In every letter I exhort them to come to Halifax or 
Lunenburg, near to my son Peter, who hath it in his power to 
help them to good land, and where they may be under the 
protection of the laws as to property, and have their children 
educated in the fear of God. James Maury Fontaine is a 
charming youth ; he is at our college here, and makes great 
proficiency in his learning. He is son of my brother Francis 
by his second wife, who is still living. Molly Fontaine I have 
not heard from lately. kShe is whole sister to Frank and John 
above-mentioned, and I believe lives with my brother's widow, 



LETTERS OF PETER FONTAINE. 34.*^ 

her motlicr-iii-l;ivv, :is yet unmarried, for what I know. Ju- 
dith, the youngest of all my brother Frank's children, is with 
her mother. 

Mr. Daniel Claiborne, who married my niece Molly Maury, 
sold his estate in King William County, and now lives near 
my son Peter in Lunenburg, where he has purchased a fine 
tract of land, and has carried with him a good number of 
slaves. He has had two sons, both of which he had the misfor- 
tune to lose, and hath now but one daughter about three years 
old. He is a very worthy man, and kind husband. I have 
not heard any thing this three years of brother James's fam- 
ily. They live in Northumberland Co., Virginia, and we can 
never hear from them. 

Cousin Abraham Maury has a fine tract of land in Hali- 
fax, to which he will probably remove after my sister's death, 
my brother having ordered in his will the land she now lives 
on should be sold then, so that in all probability our relations 
here will in time be near one the other. 

Thus have my poor gouty hands, but skin and bones, per- 
formed more than I expected when I began. Excuse blots 
and blurs. 

May our good and gracious God shed on you all his 
choicest blessings, is the hearty prayer of. dear brother, 
Your most afibctionatc brother and servant, 

Peter Fontaine. 



March 2d, 1756. 
Dear Brothers: — Tours of the 30th October, 1754, 
came to hand the February following, when I was very ill 
of the gout, which confined me to the middle of April, and 



346 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT fi^IILY. 

took me again in September, but did not confine me so long 
Thus much with regard to my troublesome companion. 

My sister came to reside with us in the beginning of last 
October, but we had no long enjoyment of her company, for 
she departed this life the last day of December, after a five 
days' illness, which though very sharp, she bore with a truly 
Christian patience and resignation to the Divine will, spend- 
ing her last breath in prayers for all her relations and ac- 
quaintances, and in blessing me and my little family, one by 
one, as we stood in tears around her. The first thing she said 
to me when she came to my house was : " Brother I am come 
to die with you." Her countenance was cheerful, and I was 
in hopes that her words would not be so soon accomplished. 
During the little time she was with us, slie did me and my 
family much good by her pious exhortations, and she instruct- 
ed my little ones in commendable works they were unac- 
quainted with before, which she was very capable to teach 
them. She had, after her duty to God, taken the excellent 
daughter. Proverbs 3 1st chapter, the 18th verse to the end, 
for her pattern ; and she kept all about her employed, and 
would often wish she had strength to do more herself, and not 
be the only lazy person in the family ; and yet in that short 
time, besides her daily task in the Bible, four chapters and 
the Psalms for the day, she had read the best part of " The 
Persecutions of the Vaudois of Piedmont," a pretty large folio 
by John Liger, a minister of that country. She concluded her 
labors here in the sixty-sixth year of her age, and by the truly 
Christian manner of her death gave us great comfort, who 
were eye-witnesses of it. This being the last scene she acted 
on this troublesome stage of life, I have transmitted it to you 
faitlifully, and I hope we may all imitate her faith and con 
etancy. 



LETTERS OF PETER p-ONTAINE. 347 

As to news, jou have a better account in the public pa 
pars than I can give you. 

Hitherto we have been shamefully defeated by the enemy 
not for want of men to carry on the war, but of money and 
proper military discipline. 

The French as you observe are bad neighbors, and the 
Indians not one jot better, neither of which any treaties can 
bind, so that though a peace should be concluded at home, 
and you should reap the benefit of it, till the floating walls are 
unmanned and laid up, the enemy will make use of that ces- 
sation of hostilities to distress us. It would be no peace for 
us here, for. until the English colonies can, by exerting them- 
selves, force the enemy to retreat from their borders, the peo- 
ple will be cut off piecemeal under pretence of an Indian war. 
The French will furnish the Indians with arms, ammunition, 
scalping-knives and leaders, to harass us continually ; and 
may it not be of evil consequence to tie up our hands by a 
peace just now ? Is not this delivering us over to the tyranny 
of fear, an imperious master more dreadful than a thousand 
deaths ? No doubt peace is a jewel more to be desired than 
any thing else this world affords, could it be expected to be a 
real peace ; but to put off the evil day, because you or I, who 
are old, may by that time be out of harm's way, and leave the 
conflict to our children, is not acting a generous, but a das- 
tardly part. 

The other evil you mention, our intestine enemies, our 
slaves, increase daily. The females are far more prolific than 
the white women, for, living upon a simple diet, upon bread, 
water, pulse, roots and herbs, seldom tasting meat of any sort, 
and drinking no strong drink, and being used to labor in the 
ground, they seldom miscarry, have strong healthy children, 



348 mi:moirs of a huguenot family. 

liable to no distempers. When our mother country shall 
vouchsafe to consider us a part of herself, she may perhaps 
not suffer such multitudes to be brought from Africa to plea- 
sure a company, and overrun a dutiful colony. 

May God preserve you, is the hearty prayer of your affec« 
tionate brother and humble servant, 

Peter Fontaine. 



March the ?,Oth. 1757. 

Dear Brother Moses: — As I was obliged to take my 
consignments out of the hands of Hanbury and Farrell. it 
has occasioned some miscarriages and delays of our letters. 
Thomas Knox, Esq., in Bristol, and Robert Gary, Esq., in 
London, manage for me now. I am favored with yours, and 
brother and sister Torin's letters, dated December, 1756, and 
January, 1757, received the 11th March. Yours and our 
kind relations' prayers for me and mine, give me great com- 
fort, as I am persuaded they have a favorable audience at the 
Throne of Grace. Dear brother, the best thing we can do 
for one another at this distance, is to send up our petitions 
continually to the centre of our hope, love, filial affection and 
fear, where they meet in an instant, join us to our Heavenly 
Father, to our blessed Redeemer, and one to another. Thus 
we shall be disposed to turn our faces now towards our hea- 
venly rest, where we shall ere long meet, see one another, and 
by God's grace and mercy live for ever. When our thoughts 
take this direction the darkest scenes of life disappear, or are 
only noticed as small rubs (m our journey thither. Oh ! let 
us not be concerned at the measure or duration of afflictions 
sent to bring us back from our strayings. Let us not open 



LETTERS OF PETER FONTAINE. 349 

our lips ill coniplaiiitt^, but. witli Iioly David, be dumb, and be 
content that all our affairs should be managed by Him whom 
our soul loveth, and who wc are persuaded lovcth us, and who 
saith to the sword and to the pestilence, what he formerly 
said to the sea, Thus far shalt thou rage, and no farther, and 
there shall thy proud waves be stayed. 

Now, to answer your first query — whether by our breach 
of treaties we have not justly exasperated the bordering na- 
tions of Indians against us, and drawn upon ourselves the 
barbarous usage we meet with from them and the French ? 
To answer this fully would take up much time. I shall 
only hint at some things which we ought to have done, and 
which we did not do at our first settlement amongst them, 
and which we might have learnt long since from the practice 
of our enemies the French. I am persuaded we were not de- 
ficient in the observation of treaties, but as we got the land 
by concession, and not by conquest, we ought to have inter- 
married with them, which would have incorporated us with 
them effectually, and made of them stanch friends, and, 
which is of still more consequence, made many of them good 
Christians ; but this our wise politicians at home put an effec- 
tual stop to at the beginning of our settlement here, for when 
they heard that Rolfe had married Pocahontas, it was delib- 
erated in Council, whether he had not committed high trca- 
son by so doing, that is, marrying an Indian Princess; and 
liail not some troubles intervened which put a stop to the in- 
(juiry, the poor man might have been hanged up for doing the 
most just, the most natural, the most generous and politic ac- 
tion that ever was done this side of the water. This put an 
effectual stop to all intermarriages afterwards Our Indian 
traders have indeed their S(junws alias whores, at the Indian 



350 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

towns where they trade, but leave their offspring like bulls or 
boars to be provided for at random by their mothers. As 
might be expected, some of these bastards have been the lead- 
ing men or war-captains that have done us so much mischief. 
This ill-treatment was sufficient to create jealousy in the 
natural man's breast, and made the Indians look upon us as 
false and deceitful friends, and cause all our endeavors to con- 
vert them to be ineffectual. But here methinks I can hear 
you observe, What ! Englishmen intermarry with Indians? 
But I can convince you that they are guilty of much more 
heinous practices, more unjustifiable in the sight of God and 
man (if that, indeed, may be called a bad practice), for many 
base wretches amongst us take up with negro women,, by 
which means the country swarms with mulatto bastards, jknd 
these mulattoes, if but three generations removed from/ the 
black father or mother, may, by the indulgence of the laws of 
the country, intermarry with the white people, and actually 
do every day so marry. Now, if, instead of this abominable 
practice which hath polluted the blood of many amongst us, 
we had taken Indian wives in the first place, it would have 
made them some compensation for their lands. They are a 
free people, and the offspring would not be born in a state of 
slavery. We should become rightful heirs to their lands, and 
should not have smutted our blood, for the Indian children 
when born are as white as Spaniards or Portuguese, and were 
it not for the practice of going naked in the summer and be- 
smearing themselves with bears' grease, &c., they would con- 
tinue white ; and had we thought fit to make them our wives, 
they would readily have complied with our fashion of wear- 
ing clothes all the year round ; and by doing justice to these 
poor benighted heathen, we should have introduced Chris- 



LETTERS OF PETER FONTAINE. 351 

tianity amongst them. Your own reflections upon these 
hints will b© a sufficient answer to your first query. I shall 
only add that General Johnson's success was owing, under 
God, to his fidelity to the Indians, and his generous conduct 
to his Indian wife, by whom he hath several hopeful sons, 
who are all war-captains, the bulwarks with him of the five 
nations, and loyal subjects to their mother country. 

As to your second query, if enslaving our fellow creatures 
be a practice agreeable to Christianity, it is answered in a 
great measure in many treatises at home, to which I refer 
you. I shall only mention something of our present state 
here. 

Like Adam we are all apt to shift off the blame from our- 
selves and lay it upon others, how justly in our case you may 
judge. The negroes are enslaved by the negroes themselves 
before they are purchased by the masters of the ships who 
bring them here. It is to be sure at our choice whether we 
buy them or not, so this then is our crime, folly, or whatever 
you will please to call it. But. our Assembly, foreseeing the 
ill consequences of importing such numbers amongst us, hath 
often attempted to lay a duty upon them which would amount 
to a prohibition, such as ten or twenty pounds a head, but no 
Governor dare pass such a law. having instructions to the con- 
trary from the Board of Trade at home. By this means they 
are forced upon us, whether wc will or will not. This plainly 
shows the African Company hath the advantage of the colo- 
nies, and may do as it pleases with the Ministry. 

Indeed, since we have been exhausted of our little stock 
of cash by the war, the importation has stopped ; our poverty 
then is our best security. There is no more picking for their 
ravenous jaws upon bare bones, but should we begin to thrive 



352 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAlVnLT 

they will be at the same again. All our taxes are now laid 
upon slaves and on shippers of tobacco, which they wink at 
while we are in danger of being torn from them, but we durst 
not do it in time of peace, it being looked upon as the highest 
presumption to lay any burden upon trade. This is our part 
of the grievance, but to live in Virginia without slaves is 
morally impossible. Before our troubles, you could not hire 
a servant or slave for love or money, so that unless robust 
enough to cut wood, to go to mill, to work at the hoe, &c., 
you must starve, or board in some family where they both 
fleece and half starve you. There is no set price upon corn, 
wheat and provisions, so they take advantage of the necessities 
of strangers, who are thus obliged to purchase some slaves 
and land. This of course draws us all into the original sin 
and curse of the country of purchasing slaves, and this is the 
reason we have no merchants, traders or artificers of any sort 
but what become planters in a short time. 

A common laborer, white or black, if you can be so much 
favored as to hire one, is a shilling sterling or fifteen pence 
currency per day ; a bungling carpenter two shillings or two 
shillings and sixpence per day ; besides diet and lodging. 
That is, for a lazy fellow to get wood and water, £19, IG. 3, 
current per annum : add to this seven or eight pounds more 
and you have a slave for life. 

My last to you was in March, 1756. The 9th of April 
following I had a son born whose name is Abraham, a fine 
child, praised be God, the biggest I ever had ; he has eight 
teeth. 

I have had a severe fit of the gout this winter, and am just 
able to write. 

We hear the Brest fleet is out, and Louis the 15th dead. 



\ 



LETTEKS OF PETEK FONTAINE. 35S 

If tli€y come to Virginia we must take to the woods and fight 
behind the trees. We have no other fortification but the 
Lord of Hosts, if he be on our side we shall give them a great 
deal of trouble. May he be your protection and ours, is the 
daily and sincere prayer of, dear brother, 

Your affectionate, humble servant, 

Peter Fontaine. 



Aprils 1757. 

Dear Sister Torin : — I did not desire in any measure 
to occasion affliction by giving you an account of our dear sis- 
ter's Christian death, but rather comfort, and such I hope it 
hath been to you. 

I am sorry to hear your indisposition prevails, as you are 
but young in comparison of me, and how often hath my dis- 
temper brought me to the gates of the grave, and yet have I 
lived to see these troublesome times, and for what end God 
only knows, unless it be to bring up these dear little ones, 
which he hath bestowed on me, in his fear and love, which I 
strive to do both by my daily prayers and endeavors. 

All our infirmities are a warning to us, as you rightly ob- 
serve, to prepare for our end, to set our faces, our hearts and 
affections towards that heavenly country, where we may hope, 
through the mercy of the Lord Jesus, to meet our friends and 
relations who are gone before us. In the mean time we ought 
to wait in patience for our release from these bodies, and 
cheerfully bear their burdens, not knowing what further ser- 
vice may be in the designs of God's providence for us yet to 
perform. This, dear sister, will keep us cheerful in the midst 
of trouble, and lessen tlie pains of our pilgrimage here. 



354 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

May God take you in his most gracious care, may he be 
your comforter, your joy and your hope, is the hearty prayer 
of, dear sister, 

Your affectionate brother and servant, 

Peter Fontaine. 

This is the last letter of the Rev. Peter Fontaine, which 
has fallen into our hands. He died in the month of July of 
the same year. 



Extracts from his last Will. 

In the name of God, Amen. I, Peter Fontaine, of the Coun- 
ty of Charles City, Parish of Westover. being infirm of body, 
but of sound mind and memory, knowing it is ordained for all 
men once to die, do make and ordain this my last will and 
testament. 

First, I commend my immortal soul into the hands of my 
Creator, to be disposed of according to the determination of 
his unerring wisdom, humbly hoping through the merits of my 
only Redeemer, the Lord Jesus Christ, that it will obtain fa- 
vor in his sight, and the pardon of all my known transgres- 
sions. As to my body, I commit it to the earth, whence it 
was taken ; there to be purged of all rags of corruption 
through the blood of my merciful Redeemer, firmly believing 
it will be raised again to eternal life, summoned by the awful 
trump of doom, and be joined to my soul and live with it for 
ever. #••#*# 

My will and desire is that I may have no public funeral, 
but that my corpse may be accompanied to the ground by a 



J 



LETTERS OF PETER FONTAINE. 355 

few of my nearest neighbors, that no liquors be given to make 
any of the company drunk ; many instances of which I have 
seen, to the great scandal of the Christian religion, and abuse 
of so solemn an ordinance. # « * • 

I desire none of my family to go in mot: ming for me. 



/ 



LETTERS OF PETER FONTAINE, JlIN 

OF R()C;K castle, HANOVER county. VIRGINIA. 



LuNENBUKO, ViKGiNiA, 9^/i July^ 1752. 

Dear Sir : — T got not long since, your kind letter, by the 
hand of my father, bearing date 2d January. 1752, and take 
this opportunity of returning you my thanks for the many ex- 
pressions of kindness it contains. We are all (God be praised) 
well, not only my family, but all our relations that I have 
lately heard from, except my good aunt Maury, who I hear 
has been very like to die, and is yet in a very low condition. 

The kind curiosity you seem to have to know where I live, 
has put me upon sending you a sketch of that part of our 
country where I now reside, which I thought might be some 
entertainment to you, as you in your rambles with Colonel 
Spotswood, travelled over a good deal of the southern part of 
Virginia. 

I find you have fdriiied a very good judgment of the situa- 
tion of these parts, for Jjuiieiiburg. as you imagine, joins (as 
you see by the plan) Carolina, though not so far now as it did 
before Halifax county, now on the head of it, was cut off from it 
by a late Act of Assembly. You judge very rightly that Me- 



358 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUJ:XoT FAMILY. 

herrin River is in Lunenburg county. We live so high up 
Nottoway River that we have not any fish, as you imagine, 
but, thank God, a healthy air, fruitful soil, and good fresh 
range for stocks. I fancy you did not travel far enough 
southward to get acquainted with Roanoke River, which is a 
much finer stream than either Meherrin or Nottoway, and 
vastly larger, before it divides itself into two streams, called 
Stanton and Dan, near three hundred yards over, and either 
of the just mentioned branches of it are at least two hundred 
and thirty. 

My district for surveying lies, i. e. the chief of it, in Hali- 
fax county, in the Fork of the river Roanoke, so that I now 
live out of my county, and by means of the indulgence granted 
me, of having assistants, I do not go at all in the woods, 
which indeed my weakly constitution is not fit for ; yet, thank 
God, I have my health very well, when I am not obliged to 
undergo fatigue. Though my living a hundred and twenty 
miles from Williamsburg, forces me frequently to take very 
tedious rides, being sometimes called down in the heat of 
summer. But certainly, if any man in the world has reason 
to be thankful to the Great Giver of all blessings, I, who in a 
troublesome employment, am indulged to live at home at ease, 
ought to be all gratitude, and instead of murmuring at the 
trifling fatigues I undergo, should be thankful that I can reap 
a comfortable harvest without putting my hand to the 
plough. 

You see, dear sir, that the regard you are so kind as to 
express for me, has made me so fond of myself, and so vain, aa 
to trouble you with almost half a sheet full of my own history, 
and to imagine all the while that I am entertaining you agree- 
ably. 



LETTERS OF PETER FONTAINE, JUN. 359 

My family is increased by the birth of a son, now two 
mouths old, whom we have named Peter. My wife joins me 
in tenders of hearty and unfeigned respect to you, my aunt, 
and all your good family. I have no more to add, but to 
beg on your part a continuance of the correspondence, which 
affords me so much real comfort, and to assure you that I am 
with my daily prayers for the health and welfare of you, and 
all our dear friends on your side the ocean, 

Your very affectionate nephew and humble servant, 

Peter Fontaine, Jun. 
To Mr. John Fontaine. 



Ltjnbnbtjeg, Virginia, 7«A June^ 1754. 

Dear Sir : — Your exceedingly kind letter of 30th No- 
vember, 1753, is before me, and I am seated to return you 
my hearty thanks for that favor, and in a very talkative hu- 
mor to perform my part in the only kind of conversation 
which the great distance between us will admit of. 

Your kind acceptance of my little performance inclosed in 
my uncle John's letter for his and your perusal, has more than 
paid me for the trouble it cost me, and might induce me to 
make a draught of the country for your and his satisfaction, 
had I proper helps to assist me in those parts of it that I am 
less acquainted with than this, which the nature of my busi- 
ness in it has given me a tolerable knowledge of. 

Your kind promise of embracing all opportunities of keep- 
ing up an epistolary correspondence with me, gives me the 
greatest pleasure, and renders the business I am now about a 
most agreeable one : as I have leave to expect that each epis- 
tle of mine will be rewarded with at least a few lines from 



360 JVIEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

you, the perusal of which affords me real satisfaction on many 
accounts, but on none more than the truly Christian disposi- 
tion and open sincerity I conceive to be lodged in the heart 
that dictates them. 

The indulgence that it has pleased God I have, by the 
favor of those who have the legislative power in their 
hands, enjoyed, has been of great service to my constitution. 
I pray God to enable me to express my gratitude, not with 
lips only, but a well spent life and Christian conversation. 

I have formed to myself a very agreeable idea of the situ- 
ation of your present residence, as I imagine you live much 
retired ; and being out of business, have great leisure for 
study and contemplation, to which I doubt not is added the 
pleasure of fine prospects, fertile soil, good gardens, and 
healthy air. 

My father, whom I am preparing to visit on my way to 
Williamsburg (our metropolis), informs me by a letter I have 
received from him, that he has this past winter had a most 
severe fit of the gout, which affected his breast much and his 
head a little, symptoms that I fear forebode sorrows to those 
who can never part with him without regret ; but, I thank 
God, he speaks of it as of a journey he shall undertake with 
joy, a circumstance which, I doubt not, will administer com- 
fort to him and all his friends in time of need. 

My wife assures you of her most hearty respect. l*ray, 
my dear uncle, continue that good office of mentioning me and 
mine in your prayers to the throne of grace, and be persuaded 
that my poor petitions are frequently put up for blessings on 
you and all our dear friends on your side, and that I am, 
dear sir, your dutiful nephew, and 

Very affectionate, humble servant, 

Peter Fontaine, Jun. 



LETTERS OF I'KTKK KONTAINK, JUN. 361 

To Mr. Mosks Fontaine : — Since the within, Colonel 
Washington, the commander of our three or four hundred men 
from Virginia, has, with a party of about forty men and some 
auxiliary Indians, by the intelligence of an Irish deserter, met 
with a party of about thirty-six French, who were in ambush 
in the woods waiting for him. Each party fired, and it has 
pleased God that we have killed or taken them all. There 
were thirteen killed and the rest taken. We lost only one 
man, and two wounded. The French seem to have a great 
mixture of Indian blood, and are sturdy fellows. The place 
in dispute is on the Ohio river, about two hundred miles back 
of our nearest mountains. P. F. 



LTiNE>rBURo, Virginia, Ith Jume^ 1754. 

Dear Sir : — I return you hearty thanks for your very 
kind and most agreeable letter of the 30th Nov. 1753, and 
particularly acknowledge the favor of your having wrote me a 
longer epistle than I have ever yet received from your side of 
the water ; for, I can with sincerity assure you, that my hav- 
ing more to read at once than T can at once remember, yields 
me great pleasure, as it sets me to reading again and again 
your kind letter, wherein I am in hopes, even to the tenth 
perusal, of finding something now, and never fail of meeting 
something very entertaining. 

The encomiums your kindness has dictated on account 
of my little draught are, I am very sensible, more than it 
deserved, though I am very glad it has yielded you any satis- 
faction, as it has thereby fully answered its end. 

I heartily condole with you upon tlic loss of my dear cou- 
sin, I believe, your only daughter. May God Almighty com- 
16 



362 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

fort you and your family, and him who cannot be less in want 
of it, my poor cousin, James Fontaine. 

I congratulate you on your new purchase, by which, if I 
understand the matter rightly, you have turned your money 
to greater advantage than 4 per cent., and hope you will re- 
pair the loss sustained by the reduction on the interest pre- 
scribed by the Parliament while your money was in the Bank. 
I conclude that you lead a very happy life in your present 
country-seat, but must beg you will excuse me when I desire 
you will be so kind in your next as to let me know how the 
name of your castle is pronounced, for I observe it is spelt 
CWM, which, for want of vowels, I do not know how to pro- 
nounce, and which is, I fancy, the case in many Welsh words. 

My present settlement does not answer the opinion you 
have conceived of it, being very little improved by art ; for, 
as the only inducement I have hitherto had for residing at it 
is, its being the nearest tolerable neighborhood, I could find 
and purchase, to my business in Halifax, I have always been 
cautious of expending any thing considerable on it, being de- 
termined (God willing) to leave it when my business shall en- 
able me to live in Hanover, a much more sociable part of the 
country, where I have upwards of five hundred acres of land 
very pleasantly situated, with good house and all other neces- 
saries ; though I am not so fond of my scheme but that I may 
perhaps sell my possessions below, and with the money pur- 
chase a larger quantity of land in these parts, since the in- 
crease of our family with which it has pleased God to bless 
me (having, thank God, three fine boys, John, Peter and Wil 
liam), may make it more expedient to spend our days near 
the frontier. However, I do not form, T hope I never shall 
form any other resolution than to endeavor to be contented in 



I.KTIKKS OF PETER FONTAINE, JUN. 303 

whatsoever station or situation it shall please God to place me, 
always striving for what appears the best. 

Our neighborhood was, about eighteen months ago, ren- 
dered much more agreeable to us by the coming of Mr. Daniel 
Claiborne and his wife, my cousin, formerly Molly Maury, to 
reside about three quarters of a mile from us. They are both 
well, as is their daughter Molly, their only child. We live 
very happily together. 

My aunt Maury is, I understand, somewhat better in 
health than usual, though but crazy. She lives where my 
uncle lived. Aby Maury is the only child she has with her. 
He acts the part of a dutiful son and a worthy young man. 
He carries on the business of a merchant. 

My cousin, the Rev. James Maury, has removed from 
King William, and lives in Louisa County, in the upper par- 
ish ; he is much beloved by his parishioners, and has a pretty 
income. 

My sister, Mary Ann Winston, with her husband and 
three sons, Peter, Isaac and William, are well. Mr. Isaac 
Winston, her husband, is a wealthy planter, and what is much 
better, a tender husband and a good Christian. 

The last time I heard from my cousins, Francis and John 
Fontaine, who carry on the carpenter's trade in New Berne, a 
town in North Carolina, they were well and in a thriving way. 
Francis is married. They live about one hundred and fifty 
miles from me. I need not tell you, that my cousins last 
mentioned are f>ons of my late uncle Francis. My aunt, his 
relict, lives in York County ; her oldest son James, a fine, 
promising youth about fourteen years old, goes to the college. 
She has also a daughter with her There is a kind of coolness 



'S(j-i: MIOIUIKS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

towards her — I mean my aunt — in most of our family, on aC' 
count of her treatment of my uncle's first children. 

Ann Fontaine, sister to my cousin James, your son-in-law, 
lives with my sister Winston, who brought her up. She is a 
virtuous, good girl, and reaps the benefit of it even temporally, 
as my brother Winston has given her a little beginning, in 
case she should marry and leave him, and provides for her 
handsomely, as I dare say he will continue to do while she 
stays with him. I have not in a great while heard any thing 
of the rest of the family my uncle James left behind him. 
They live in the Northern Neck, 170 or 180 miles from me. 
My father has by his last wife, my mother-in-law, five 
children, three boys and two girls, the oldest about twelve 
years old. He has made use of my opportunities as a sur- 
veyor to procure lands for them in Halifax County, where he 
has procured five tracts of land, amounting to about six thou- 
sand acres, which he designs, with near or about twenty slaves, 
to divide amongst them at his death. 

And here I cannot help expressing my concern at the na- 
ture of our Virginia estates, so far as they consist in slaves. 
I suppose we have, young and old, one hundred and fifty thou- 
sand of them in the country, a number, at least, equal to the 
whites. It is a hard task to do our duty towards them as we 
ought, for we run the hazard of temporal ruin if they are not 
compelled to work hard on the one hand — and on the other, 
that of not being able to render a good account of our stew- 
ardship in the other and better world, if we oppress and tyran- 
nize over them. Besides, according to our present method, 
which every body appears afraid to go out of, it seems quite 
necessary to lay most stress on that stinking, and, in itself, 
useless weed, tobacco, as our staple commodity, which is the 



LETfERS OF PETER FONTAINE, JUN. 365 

reason that all other more useful trades and occupations are 
neglected, or professed by such as are not above half (j[ualified 
for them ; and every Virginia tradesman must be at least half 
a planter, and of course not to be depended upon as a trades- 
man. 

I cannot help adding a piece of domestic news, which is, 
that the French on the back of us are disputing our title to 
the Mississippi lands, have built a fort to annoy our settle- 
ments, and have drove off about seventy families of my coun- 
trymen. The Assembly has enacted the levying of £10,000 
currency to enable them to oppose the enemy. We expect 
every day to hear that about fifteen hundred men, levied in 
these colonies, have either settled on Mississippi and built a 
fort to countermine that of the French, or that they have, if 
opposed, engaged them. May God restore peace to our infant 
colony ! I have but just room to add, that I beg you will ex- 
cuse my writing in this manner on the back of my uncle 
Moses's letter, which I do under a notion of saving you post- 
age, and that my wife joins in tenders of sincere respect to 
you and all your dear family. That you and yours may long 
enjoy here all temporal blessings, and in the regions of bliss 
everlasting happiness, is the fervent prayer of, my dear uncle. 
Your obliged and dutiful nephew, 

And very affectionate, humble servant. 



To Mr. John Fontaine. 



Peter Fontaine, Jun. 



Charles City Coxjnty, Vieginia, June lU^, 1757. 
Dear Sir : — I have now an opportunity of returning you 
my hearty thanks for your kind mention of me and mine in 
yours of 8th Jan. 1757, to my fiither. and fulfilling your re 



366 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

quest so grateful to me. Impute not my silence to a want of 
due regard to you, or an indifference in keeping up a corre- 
spondence with you. I have, since my last to you, removed 
forty miles further southward than I then lived, which renders 
my writing to you more difficult than formerly. But as the 
motive that carried me thither, i. e., the keeping my place, 
which is become, on account of our present troubles, of little 
value, has no longer any weight in it, I have {Deo volente) de- 
termined (unless the times shortly change for the better, 
which, from the appearance of things we have but little, and 
from our own deserts no reason at all to hope) shortly to re- 
move to my little seat in Hanover, where I propose to employ 
my small abilities in the education of my three boys, which I 
shall have the more leisure to attend to after having quitted 
every kind of public business, and the many avocations which 
are now a bar to such an employment ; though I fear our dis- 
tresses, unless it please God to put a speedy stop to them, may 
prove an interruption to every occupation in every part of this 
poor infant colony. We are here so utterly unacquainted 
with military matters, that we all, from the legislator to the 
meanest handicraftsman, are at a stand. All the measures we 
have fallen upon seem ineffectual, and answer no other end 
than to plunge us in debt, insomuch that the credit of the 
country is almost sunk ; and from the inexperience of the 
managers, our expeditions have proved not only abortive, but 
disgraceful. The miscarriages in all our enterprises have ren- 
dered us a reproach, and to the last degree contemptible in 
the eyes of our savage Indian, and much more inhuman French 
enemies. 

Tho.se of the Indians that call themselves our friends de- 
spise us, and in their march through our inhabited country, 



/ 



LETTKRS OF PETER FONTAINE. JUN. 367 

when going to oui assistance, insult and annoy us. It is not 
above a month ago since a party of about a hundred and 
twenty Cherokees, in passing through Lunenburg, insulted 
people of all ranks. About three weeks ago the Cattawbos 
behaved so ill in Williamsburg, that those in power were 
obliged to arm the militia, and the matter was near coming to 
extremities. About fourteen days ago the same Cattawbos 
murdered a poor woman in Bartie County, in North Carolina, 
whom they met alone in the road. It is said that for this last 
misdemeanor they are like to smart severely, as it is reported 
that four hundred men in arms are in pursuit of them (and 
they do not exceed one hundred), and are determined to 
avenge her death. 

There is some hope that our affairs are better managed 
under the Earl of Loudon than formerly they were, as mat- 
ters are conducted with great secrecy ; and it is presumed he 
has a good army. 

The County of Halifax, in the mean time, is threatened 
by our Indian enemies, and the people in the upper part of 
that county, which by the late encroachments of our enemies 
is become a frontier, are in great consternation, and all public 
business at a stand. The poor farmers and planters have 
dreadful apprehensions of falling into the hands of the savage, 
as indeed, considering the treatment those have had who have 
had the misfortune to be surprised by them, they have good 
reason. 

We have among us two or three who have made their 
escape from the Shawnees (a tribe of Indians that live on the 
Ohio, to the westward of Halifax County) ; the Indians sus- 
pected that one of them, whose wife and children they had 
most inhumanly murdered, would attempt to escape, to pre 



368 MEMOIKS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

vent, which they cut deep gashes in his heels, and as soon as 
the man was like to get well, and be in order to travel again, 
they cut other gashes across the former, and by that means, 
5ind at some other times searing his feet with hot irons, they 
kept him a continual cripple. The man, however, being of an 
enterprising spirit, contrived, by means of a piece of lighted 
punk thrust into a barrel of gunpowder, to blow up a fine 
French store in their town, for which, being after some time 
discovered by the treachery of a fellow-prisoner, he was to 
have been burnt alive by piecemeal, had he not very provi- 
dentially made his escape. He gives most dreadful shocking 
accounts of their treatment of our people, but more especially 
of the poor women, upon whom they exercise all kinds of tor- 
ture and brutality. In short, such cruelties do they practise 
upon every one that falls into their hands, that all had rather 
perish than be taken alive. I dare say I have by this time 
tired you with the relation of our sufferings, and the bloody 
triumphs of our enemies, which, though not perhaps as to the 
flainute particulars I have mentioned, you are no doubt in the 
general well informed of from our public prints. 

My family was, three days ago, when I left home, in good 
health, as was also Mr. (Claiborne and my cousin, Aby Maury, 
who is his father's likeness both in person and all good quali- 
ties. I also saw a letter from my cousin, the Rev. James 
Maury, the other day, by which I see he and his also enjoy 
the same blessing. 

I beg, my dear uncle, you will be so kind as to feast me 
with a letter by the first opportunity, and that you will in the 
mean time, think of me and mine in your approaches to the 
throne of grace, and be assured that I am with the most pro- 
tbilnd respect, the most sincere aflfection, and daily prayers for 



LETTERS OF PETEK FONTAINE, JUN. 369 

your well-being here, and everlasting happiness in that never- 
ending state of bliss, where I hope and trust we shall all, 
through the merits of the Redeemer, have a joyful meeting. 
My dear uncle, your dutiful nephew and most 

Affectionate liumble servant, 

Peter Fontaine, Jud. 

This letter I believe to have been addressed to Moses 
Fontaine, it was without address, but endorsed in the hand- 
writing of Moses Fontaine. Received 23d September, 1757. 
answered 21st February, 1758. 



KooK Oastlk, Hanovek, ViRorNiA, June 9, 1760. 

Dear Sir : — It is so long since I have had the pleasure 
to receive a letter from you, that I am afraid something has 
happened on your part to prevent it, and yet I acknowledge 
you have seeming reason to doubt, to suspect my sincerity, 
when I tell you so, as I have been so long, so very long silent 
myself. But I am persuaded that you will make all possible 
allowance for a person who has had so much business on his 
hands, as I have had since I last wrote to you. The death 
of my dear father ; the business of his whole concerns falling 
into my hands, my own removal from Halifax and settling in 
Hanover, the late dismal prospect of our public affairs, with 
the almost continual sickliness of my own family, and the 
death of two dear children, and last of all, my having discon- 
tinued to ship tobacco home, which used to act as the monitor 
as well as offer opportunities of writing to you and my other 
friends on your side ; these, dear sir, have been the principaJ 
impediments in my way. 
16* 



370 MEMOIKS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

As I have always understood that you are settled in South 
Wales, near my uncle John, I shall refer you to mine to him, 
for a particular account of my mother ; I hope, please God^ 
all may end well at last. 

Our public affairs have, through the merciful and almost 
miraculous interposition of kind Providence, taken quite 
another turn of late, and were it not that the Cherokee In- 
dians have most perfidiously broken their treaty of peace, and 
fallen upon our frontiers, we should enjoy the sweets of peace 
again. But they have done considerable mischief in North 
Carolina on our borders, and some in our own Province ; 
several families, that had since the former troubles returned 
to their settlements on the frontiers, are again frightened and 
have left them — so that the county I lived in (Halifax), is as 
much confused, and as unfit, of course, for my business as 
when I left it. Our colonies are raising men to go against 
them. May the Lord of Hosts, the only giver of all victory, 
prosper the enterprise. 

I, for my part, had, for the last two j'ears I lived in Hali- 
fax, very little to do as a surveyor, nor should I, if I had con- 
tinued till now. I there lived on rented land, at a smart ex- 
pense, had houses, etc., here, suffering for want of me, and 
above all, had a longing desire to retire and live in private, 
where I might attend to the education of my boys, and had 
hopes that I could be, through the grace of God, thankfully 
contented with that competency with which his bounty had 
blessed me ; nor have I as yet, thank God, found myself in the 
least disappointed. I was always persuaded that a middle 
station was the happiest, in which condition it has pleased 
God in mercy to place me, with thousands of blessings — even 



LETTERS OF PETEB FONTAINE, JUN. 371 



in the midst of his chastisements — on my head, the least of 
which is more than I deserve. 

As to perfect happiness, it is not, it ought not to be looked 
for in a valley of tears, or in a state of trial. Our good God 
has, in mercy, denied it to every station of life, lest we should 
anchor here, and not long for that better life, where tears and 
pain and want are strangers, and where friends are never 
parted. May the merits of our gracious Redeemer purchase 
for us all an inheritance, an estate for life eternal, in those 
happy mansions. 

My wife and family join me in tenders of sincere regard 

and affection to you and all on your side the ocean. May 

temporal and eternal blessings attend you all. I am, dear sir, 

Your affectionate nephew and humble servant, 

Peter Fontaine. 
To Mr. Moses Fontaine. 



To Messrs. Moses and John Fontaine and Mr. Daniel Torin. 

Forks of Pamtohket River, Haxover Co., Va., 7 Aug. 1763. 

My Dear Uncles : — I take this opportunity by Mr. 
Harden Burnley, who is going home, to inquire after you all. 

It is some considerable time since I had the pleasure of 
receiving a letter from you. I hope, please God, nothing baa 
happened to interrupt that agreeable correspondence which 
has yielded me so much pleasure. 

There has not any great alteration happened in the state 
of any of our relations' families here. I believe cousin Ann 
Fontaine, sister to cousin James (with you), was married when 
I wrote last to Mr. Thomas Owen, She has two children. 



372 MKMUIKS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

But our public affairs are in a very bad situation at 
present, as all the Indians on the continent, i. e between us 
and the Mississippi and St. Lawrence Rivers, have entered 
into a combination against us, resolved it seems to prevent 
our settling any farther than we have, viz., much about the 
main Blue Ridge of mountains ; and in consequence of this 
resolution, they have, according to their manner, declared war 
against all our colonies, that is to say, all, or most of the 
tribes on our backs, divided themselves into proper parties, 
and fell upon our poor scattered unprepared frontier settle- 
ments, and have cut the throats of many of the inhabitants, 
whilst they were quite unaware that any mischief was intend- 
ed them, and have carried a great number of women and chil- 
dren, as well as some men, and (for the first time too) a good 
many negroes, into captivity ; indeed, 'tis said they have 
broke us more frontiers, come lower down to do us mischief, 
and killed as many people as in the last war. 

I hope, my dear friends, you do not disapprove my man- 
ner of writing to you all together, as I direct for my uncle 
Torin. who after perusal, will be so kind as forward the letter 
to Wales. My family, I thank God, is at present in health. 
My youngest child is James, who I believe was born before I 
wrote last. 

I long much to hear from you. I am in a more particular 
manner anxious to know how my dear aunt Torin and uncle 
Moses are, as I look upon them to be the greatest invalids, 
and of most crazy constitutions. 

We all join in tenders of sincere respect and affection. 

I am, my dear uncles, your most affectionate kinsman, 

Peter Fontaine. 



LKTTEKS OF I'KTKR FONTAINK, JUN. 373 

The following memorandum endorsed upon the letter, in 
Mrs. Torin's handwriting. 

I find he has not received mine, of 30th July, 1762 
though it went by Mr. Sumpter, a friend of his, who went back 
with the Indian Kings 

It may be interesting tc remark, that the James Fontaine, 
spoken of as an infant in the foregoing letter, in after life 
held a commission as Major of a volunteer regiment of cavalry 
from Kentucky, which composed part of the force which was 
sent against the Indians on our western frontier, after the 
close of the Revolutionary War. Owing to some indiscretion 
of the commanding officer, his regiment was surrounded by 
the Indians. Major Fontaine proposed to the troops to cut 
their way through them. There were but few who joined in 
this heroic attempt, which would probably have saved the 
greater part of the regiment, had the movement been executed 
by all, with the resolution which marked the brave few. 

Major Fontaine succeeded, but died almost immediately, 
from the numerous wounds he received. 



To Mr. John Fontaine. 
Rook Castle, Hanover Co., Va., July 8, 1765. 

Dear Sir: — Your very kind letter of 20th June, 1764, I 
just now received, for which, as for a most agreeable cordiai, 
I return you my sincere thanks 

Your memento, my dear uncle, that you are now seventy- 
one years old, and that you are providing a substitute to act 
that kind part which you now fill yourself, after you shall 
leave the stage, thougli kind and reasonable, has yet raised in 
me that sorrow which is natural, at the thought of parting 



374 MEMOIKS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

with a beloved friend. But it is a memoraudum that I think 
we ought always to carry about us, that friends, the best ot 
our worldly enjoyments, are liable to be taken from us every 
moment, or if not, we ourselves must some time or other be 
taken from them ; so that we ought to stand always prepared 
for the painful divorce, and not set our aflfections on the good 
things of this world, which are only intended by our good 
God as comforts and refreshments in our pilgrimage upon thv. 
journey to that other world, which is our proper home. May 
God grant, my dfar uncle, that all of us may so run this 
short race, as that we may reap those joys which have no bit 
terness, and no bounds, in that everlasting world, to which you, 
that are seventy odd, and I that am forty odd, are equally 
hastening, and in which you only have a little the start; 
where I hope we shall not only be better acquainted with 
each other, know personally, and converse by word of mouth, 
and have no dangerous ocean of three thousand miles between 
us. But the very essence of all joy will be, that we shall know 
the Great Father of all our blessings and enjoyments, whom 
to know is eternal life. 

As to public affairs here, we seem to have room to flatter 
ourselves that our cruel enemies the Indians, are, from some 
motive, more peaceably disposed towards us than formerly. 
**nd yet things wear but a gloomy aspect, for the country is 
80 excessively poor, that even the industrious, frugal man can 
scarcely live, and the least slip in economy would be fatal. 
There is no money but the small remains of our paper cur- 
rency, which is almost all returned to and burnt in the 
Treasury ; and in the midst of this our poverty, our mo- 
ther country, which seems to have contracted a dislike to some 
of our proceedings, is laying a tax (the forerunner we fear of 



LETTERS OF PETER FONTAIKE, JDN, 375 



others) upon us, which it appears impossible to pay, as I learn 
it is to be collected in silver, of which there is almost none in 
the colony ; so that peace, the ardent wish of the poor wretch 
who is involved in war, seems to threaten us with as great, if 
not greater evils, than even the war itself. But I am not a 
politician, and the subject is disagreeable ; therefore I will 
drop it, and in spite of alarming appearances, I will trust in 
Providence to send us better times, and to work a kinder dis- 
position in our mother country towards us. 

I saw my cousin, Mr. Abraham Maury, and his family, 
and Mr. Daniel Claiborne and his family, this spring, who 
were all well. I have also lately seen Mr. Isaac Winston and 
his family. They are well, except my sister, who is in but a 
low state of health. 

My poor mother-in-law is now with Mr. William Mills, 
who married Elizabeth, her second daughter. Sally, the old- 
est, lives with us, unmarried. Moses, the oldest son, is in bu- 
siness in Charles City County. Joseph I have bound to a 
cabinet-maker, and he is like to do well. Aaron lives with 
Mr. Isaac Winston, and Aby, the youngest, is with his 
mother. 

The Rev. James Maury I saw not long ago. and believe 
he and his family are well. 

My cousin Mary, oldest daughter of my uncle Francis, is 
so unhappy as to have married an extravagant, careless man, 
who is quite unable to maintain her ; and she now lives in the 
capacity of housekeeper, with a very worthy clergyman in 
North Carolina. 

I willingly embrace your kind proposal of commencing an 
epistolary correspondence with your son, my cousin James 
Fontaine, but not as your substitute, for I trust in God (pro 



376 MEMOIKS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

vided it be for your good to continue here) that I shall have 
the pleasure of receiving many kind letters yet, from the good 
friend of seventy odd, if not of eighty odd. 

With hearty thanks for your kindness in favoring me thus 
far with your correspondence, and sincere prayers for your 
temporal and eternal welfare, 

I am, dear sir, your very dutiful and affectionate nephew, 

Peter Fontaine. 



To Mr. Moses Fontaine. 

Dear Sir: — Your kind favor of 20th June, 1764. now 
lies before me ; and most sincerely am I obliged by the kind 
promise you make of continuing to give me this proof of your 
affection. When your annual letter arrives, it yields me much 
more substantial pleasure than is felt at the feastings on the 
return of a birth-day. The meltings of heart that I expe- 
rience when I read your pious letters, leave impressions on 
my mind that are of real advantage to me. I am persuaded 
there is a kind of instinct in souls ; for though I never saw 
with my bodily eyes either you or my dear uncle John, yet I 
am better acquainted with nobody. I indulge myself in form- 
ing ideas of you in my mind ; and sometimes in an agreeable 
reverie, enjoy a kind of ideal conversation with you. I seem 
quite intimate with you both, and so closely united in fami- 
liar friendship, that nine-tenths of those I am personally ac- 
(^ainted with, are incapable of affording me half the satisfac- 
tion, in repeated interviews, that I reap from only poring 
over one of your letters once a year. 

As to articles of intelligence, I have forestalled myself in 
my letter to my uncle John, to which I have only to add, 



LETTERS OF PETER FONTAINE, JUN. 377 

that my family of children now consists of three sons, John, 
William, and James, and three daughters, Sarah, Mary 
Anne, and Judith, who with my wife, are, thank God, welh 
To avoid repetition, I refer you to the letter aforesaid. In- 
deed, I have learned to consider you and my uncle John, al- 
most as one person, for I find you so united in your letters, 
your habitation in Wales, and in another warm habitation 
you have in my heart, that whatever I write to the one, al- 
ways anticipates my thoughts to the other : I therefore con- 
clude with hearty wishes for your health and happiness here 
and hereafter. 

I am, dear sir, your dutiful and affectionate nephew, 

Peter Fontaine. 



LETTERS OF THE REV. JAMES MAURY.' 



» • • 



Fredkrioksville Parish, Louisa County, Ai(g. 9th, 1755. 

Dear Sir : — I am always tardy. Your kind and agree 
able letter of October last, now before me, ought to have been 
answered by my friend Knox's ship, from Pamunkey, which 
sailed some time in June, and should have been so, had the 
map come to hand in time, which it was necessary to have 
my hand upon, in order to answer some parts of it, I am 
sorry the engraver had not the most accurate copy. He has 
copied from that which was transmitted to the Board of 
Trade and Plantations, who, it seems, wrote so expressly for 
it, that the government thought proper to send them one be- 
fore it had received the finishing touch ; since that, the fuller 
draughts have been sent over sea by the compilers, as presents, 
one to the late pious Bishop of Man, Dr. Wilson, the other to 
a clergyman in Bristol. However, sir, incomplete as it is, 
you may form a tolerable guess, where each of our families is 
situated, by the directions which I am about to give you, 
whence you will also discover how the American branches of 
the Fontaine family are dispersed, and how seldom, of conse- 
quence, they can have the satisfaction of seeing one another, 

* Son of Mary Ann Fontaine, who married Matthew Maury. He was 
ordained in London, in the year 1742. 



LETTERS OF .TAMILS MAUKY. ^(H 

chough residents in the same colony. But it is some comfor* 
that a time is coming, when we hope for a happy meeting with 
all who are dear to us, in a happier state, however separated 
at present by extensive tracts of land and sea. 

But, to the map. My uncle Peter's habitation is in 
Charles City County, about two miles to the northward of 
James River, pretty near midway between Weyuoke and 
Swineyards. 

Mr. Isaac Winston, who married his daughter, resides in 
Henrico, on the south side of Chickahominy, about six miles 
from the meadow bridges. 

My cousin Peter, with a view of reaping the full benefit 
of his place, has lately removed into a new county, called 
Halifax, between Stanton and Dan, the two main branches of 
Roanoke River, and lives close upon the southern bank of the 
former, some few miles above the mouth of Difficult, as near 
as I can guess about seven ; for, as it is several years since I 
was 5n the spot, and only once, I am not perfect in the geo- 
graphy of that part of the country. 

My brother Claiborne has seated himself among the Forks 
of Nottoway, in Lunenburg. 

My mother lives among the head springs of Jack's creek, 
which empties into Pamunkey, on the north side. 

As to myself. I am planted about two miles to the north- 
east of Walker's under the South West Mountains in Louisa, 
close by one of the head springs of the main northern branch 
of Pamunkey, which runs through my grounds — a very whole- 
some, fertile, and pleasant situation, where, I thank God. I 
enjoy more blessings and comforts than I deserve ; and am aa 
happy as a good member of society can be, while the society 
to which he belongs is in a suffering and calamitous conditiou 



38(1 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

as you will perceive by my letter to my uncle John (to which 
I refer you) ours is at present. God only knows when it will 
be better with us ; as he only knows when and how the pre- 
sent contest between Great Britain and France will be de- 
cided, upon which depends the all not only of this, but of 
every other British plantation in America. And such seems 
to be the connection between the mother and children in this 
case, that the downfall of either must sooner or later be at- 
tended with that of the other. 

Our people are loaded with debt and taxes. Money is 
much scarcer than it has been for many years. Our spring 
crops of wheat, barley, oats, and rye, have been ruined by an 
early drought. Our Indian corn, the main support of man 
and beast in this part of the world, has been so much hurt by 
a later drought, that I fear scarce enough will be made for the 
sustenance of our people, exclusive of our stocks, great num- 
bers of which must in all probability perish this winter. 
Some of our neighboring colonies have likewise suffered in 
the same manner, and cannot assist us. So fertile, too, are 
our lands, that there is no such thing as a magazine for grain 
in all British America, which, as it has never known the want 
of bread, has never made any provision against it. 

Our frontiers are daily ravaged by savages, and, worse 
than savages, papists, who, in conjunction with them, captivate 
and butcher our out-settlers, and have drove great numbers of 
them into the thicker inhabited parts, who, as they have left 
their farms and stocks, must be supported by us, who shall be 
scarcely able to support our own families. These, with many 
others that might be mentioned, are very melancholy and 
aflFecting considerations. However, dependence upon the 
supreme arbiter of all things, and resignation to the dispensa 



LETTERS OF JAMES MAUKY. 381 

tions of infinite wisdom are, not only our duty and interest, 
but also our greatest comfort. Though storms and tempests 
rage without, it has been, and it shall be my study to keep all 
within calm and serene. Happy beyond expression are they 
who, when laboring under national or private calamities, can 
say with David's trust and confidence : God is our refuge and 
strength., a very present help in time of trouble ; therefore will 
we not fear though the earth be removed^ and the moxintains 
be cast into the midst of the sea. 

As to the controversy of the two crowns about limits, that 
perhaps has not so much alarmed us as it has many on your 
side of the Atlantic. It is true the balance is held by the 
Almighty, and he may elevate or depress which scale he 
pleases ; but, were the race always to the swift, and the battle 
to the strong, our colonies would have little to apprehend 
from the exertion of all the power which France, especially in 
a general war, could spare to annoy us here on this continent. 
Her American strength, compared with ours, is quite con- 
temptible in all respects but one, and that is, the wisdom and 
prudence with which it is directed. Canada is a very un- 
friendly clime ; her soil in general unfruitful. Her inhabit- 
ants, in the year 1748, 1 am informed by persons who pretend 
to know, amounted to little more than forty thousand, and for 
that number the lands have never yet produced a sufficiency 
of bread. Slaves have never yet been found as industrious 
as the sons of liberty. 

The British plantations, on the contrary, are both fertile 
and populous ; so fertile, that even here in Virginia, where 
our main force is applied to the production of tobacco, the 
labor of one man in a tolerable year will feed eight, besides 
% competent number of hogs, sheep, horses, and cattle ; and so 



382 MKMOIRS OF A IHCrEXOT FAMILY. 

populous, that on the most modest calculation, His Majest} 
has fonr hundred thousand men on this continent capable of 
bearing arms, hard)' and robust, and ready, whenever called 
upon, to sacrifice life and fortune in his service and their 
country's cause. This strength wisely directed, would be 
justly formidable to France. But, it is our common misfor- 
tune, that there is no mutual dependence, no close connection 
between these several colonies ; they arc quite disunited by 
separate views and distinct interests ; and like a bold and 
rapid river, which, though resistless when included in one 
channel, is yet easily resistible when subdivided into several 
inferior streams and currents. The Indians, though not very 
polite, are politic enough to observe this defect in our polity, 
and honest enough to tell us that we resemble a chain of sand. 
A remedy for this evil, though obvious and practicable, and 
recommended seriously by several of His Majesty's governors 
here, the great men on your side of the water have not thought 
proper to apply, from a principle in politics, which we on this 
side of it think more obvious than wise or just. 

The colonies, sensible of the manifest disadvantages of 
their present unconnected state, have long wished for a coali- 
tion by means of a General Council formed by a certain num- 
ber of deputies from each colony, to be presided over by a 
person commissioned by His Majesty to act as his representa- 
tive. By this means, the whole strength of his subjects here 
(who, except a small intermixture of papists, and some natives 
of the northern part of your island, are behind none of their 
fellow-subjects in loyalty) might be easily and successfully 
exerted against any of the enemies of Great Britain in thia 
•quarter of the world. 

Though we are numerous, we are poor, and unable to raise 



LETTERS OF JAMES MAURY. 383 

Buch large sums of money as would be required to defray the 
heavy expenses of war ; and this is an evil which might also 
have been partly remedied, had not Great Britain chosen to 
buy of her European neighbors, her rivals in many respects, 
articles which she might have had from her children here, as 
good in kind, and at cheaper rates. But. poor as we are, we 
have already exerted ourselves to the utmost in the present 
dispute, and we still intend to do so, desirous to convince our 
common mother, that we are in truth, what we have often pro- 
fessed ourselves to be, her dutiful children. We want not 
men, but only money to pay them, and to pay for arms, ammu- 
nition, and a few engineers. We wish to see none of your 
officers, nor indeed regulars, unless they be better than what 
we have seen. As to any officers which may hereafter be sent 
over, officers of rank, I mean ; if they make as free with the 
liberties of the people, and the constitutions of th-e several 
governments, as a late gentleman has attempted to do, and in 
some particulars has actually done, I am so far a prophet as 
to foretell, that neither your interests nor ours will be ever 
promoted by them. I believe it is the general opinion here, 
that, liberty and property once lost, a people have nothing left 
worth contending for. Had we been a people conquered and 
enslaved, a polite and generous conqueror would have treated 
us with less rudeness and insolence than the gentleman above 
hinted at (now no more) in the plenitude of his power, adven- 
tured to treat us Americans, which. I am almost confident 
nothing but an honest zeal to further by all means the com- 
mon cause, prevented them from resenting in the same man- 
ner as they would the acts of a public enemy. But I will add 
nothing further on this head, lest I break through my above- 
mentioned resolve, of keeping all within calm and serene, 



384 MEMOIKS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

which I am sensible would by no means recommend me to one 
of your calm and equable disposition. 

You are already so well convinced what weight your 
opinion has with me, that, shouJd I tell you, how much fonder 
I have been of that mode of instruction, on which I have 
providentially fallen, since it has obtained your approbation 
than I was before, I foresee, you wou-ld in your next charge 
me with saying what is superfluous. That, which you tell me 
you have so happily pursued in the education of my cousins, 
seems excellently calculated for answering all the good ends 
proposed. Although, perhaps, it may not be so proper for 
public instruction, especially in such extensive parishes as 
some in Virginia, yet I have so great an opinion of it for the 
education of a smail community, that, God willing, I propose 
to make experiments of it in my own family, as soon as the 
winter evenings come on. I can well remember when it was 
my own misfortune to receive words without the proper ideas ; 
wffich has doubtless been the misfortune of many others. 
And, in that case, as you remark, words are of but little use. 

Hereabouts I thought to have closed, but remembering 
that I have not mentioned some places to my uncle John, 
which are either not set down in the map, or have received 
new names since the map was published, I imagine you will 
readily excuse the following directions. 

In the map I perceive the name of a river erased, empty- 
ing itself into New River, and in its general tendency for 
some considerable distance, pointing towards the angle be- 
tween the south boundary of Pennsylvania and the west of 
Maryland, and thence through several meanders penetrating 
into the Alleghany mountains, between Spring Head and 
Laurel Thickets. The word erased I guess to be Yaugh- 



LETTEKS OF JAMES MAURY. 385 

jaugngaiue. If so, there was an error, which I imagine hua 
been corrected here by the surviving compiler of the map. 
The river now described has since been discovered to be Mo- 
nongahela, though wrongly planned off, for it discharges itself 
iutu the Ohio, in the latitude of about 30 deg. 48 min. N 
On the point of laud formed by the confluence of these, Fort 
l^uquesne now stands, to the eastward of the latter, and the 
northward of the former. If you would have Monongahela 
correctly laid down, you are to erase the river, which I sus- 
pect is called Yaughyaughgaine, from about four miles below 
that branch of it which most directly points to the above-men- 
tioned angle, quite down to New River, and then extend it in 
an almost straight course from where you began to erase 
viuii^c down to the Ohio, in the above-mentioned latitude. 

Yaughyaughgaine is a branch of Monongahela, and falls 
into it on the north side, lat. N. 39 deg. 43 min. and long. W. 
from Philadelphia 5 deg. 7 min., and, after having run about 
twenty-five miles almost east, divides into three branches 
called the Turkey Foot, one of which verges northerly, the 
other southerly, and the third easterly, but none reach so far 
as the main chain of hills. Between the branches of this and 
Monongahela, about forty miles back of the hills just men- 
tioned, are the Great Meadows where our bravo Washington 
was last year attacked by the French and Indians. 

On the north side of Cohotigoronto you will sec Caicuck- 
tuck, since called Will's Creek, on the point of land formed 
by which and the river, on the western side of the creek, is 
built Fort Cumberland, from which the brave but unfortu- 
nate, and I believe I may add, imprudent General Braddock 
marched this summer against Duquesne, near which, my un- 
cle John, as well as the public prints can inform you, how 
17 



886 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMII,Y. 

shamefully he was defeated by a contemptible band of naked 
French and Indians. 

As I believe you to be master of a good stock of patience, 
and as you have informed me of the extraordinary strength 
of your eyes, you will suspect I mean to put both to the test, 
if I go much farther ; my pen, too, is almost foundered, my 
fingers cramped, and my stock of matter almost exhausted, so 
that, after desiring you to accept of our good wishes and re- 
spects, I shall take my leave of you for the present, with a 
declaration that I am, very sincerely, dear sir, 

Your affectionate friend and dutiful nephew, 

James Mauby. 



Louisa County, Fredericksvillk Parish, Jan. 10, 1756. 

Dear Sir: — Your kind letter, bearing date 1st January, 
I have now sat down to answer, and must tell you I consider 
it as a New- Year's gift ; and believe me, it is a very accept- 
able one. 

It pleases me much that the directions sent you as to the 
habitations of our relations here, and as to some alterations 
requisite to be made in the map of Virginia to render it more 
complete had been intelligible. Had it not been for the pres- 
ent troubles, which have rendered it unsafe for our people to 
make such long peregrinations into the backwoods as they 
used to do before their commencement, many other inaccura- 
cies would doubtless, ere this, have been discovered in the 
western parts of it, where the courses of many considerable 
streams, several ranges of hills, and other particulars, must 
have been laid down, partly on conjecture, and partly on but 
imperfect information, which will ever be the case with one 



LETTERS OF JAMES MAURY. 387 

who undertakes to publish a map of a country not yet thor 
oughly exploi-ed, or actually surveyed. Since the publication 
of that map, another has made its appearance in the world, 
much more extensive, as it comprehends all that part of the 
British American Empire that lies between Boston and the 
southern boundary of Virginia, the Territory of the six con- 
federate Northern Indian nations, the river St. Lawrence 
almost from Quebec to its source, the various communications 
between that river and the lakes, and Ohio ; also Ohio with 
its dependencies lower than the Falls ; and in short, the pres- 
ent scene of action as far as their Excellencies Shirley and 
Johnson are, and Braddoc was concerned, published by Lewis 
Evans, Esq., of Philadelphia, and engraven there, and there- 
fore, in that respect clumsily executed. With it the author 
has published an instructive, curious, and useful pamphlet, ex- 
planatory not only of the map, but of many particulars, too, 
relative to the face and products, and natural advantages of 
the tract of territory which is the subject of it. The map is 
but small, not above half as large as Fry and Jefferson's, con- 
sequently crowded. Though both it and the pamphlet be 
liable to several exceptions, and I believe just ones, yet both 
are very useful in the main, and together, give an attentive 
peruser a clear idea of the value of the now contested lands 
and waters to either of the two competitor princes, together 
with a proof amounting to more than probability, that he of 
the two who shall remain master of Ohio and the Lakes at 
the end of the dispute, must, in the course of a few years, 
without an interposal of Providence to prevent it, become sole 
and absolute lord of North America, to which I will farther 
add as my own private opinion, that the same will one day or 
other render either Hudson's river at New-York, or Potomac 



388 MEMOIKS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

river iu Virginia, the grand emporium of all East Indian 
commodities. Marvel not at this, however surprising it may 
seem ; perhaps, before I have done with you. you will believe 
it to be not entirely chimera. 

When it is considered how far the eastern branches of that 
immense river, Mississippi, extend eastward, and how near 
they come to the navigable, or rather canocablc parts of the 
rivers which empty themselves into the sea that washes our 
shores to the east, it seems highly probable that its western 
branches reach as far the other way, and make as near ap- 
proaches to rivers emptying themselves into the ocean tu the 
west of us, the Pacific Ocean, across which a short and easy 
communication, short in comparison with the present route 
thither, opens itself to the navigator from that shore of the 
continent unto the Eastern Indies. 

Before I go on, lest from the word canoeable^ just now 
used, you should form but a contemptible idea of the naviga- 
tion of a river which must be carried on by vessels slender 
and tottering as canoes, I must beg you will suspend sentence 
for a while, and give me time to inform you, that although 
one single canoe will carry but a small weight, yet nothing is 
more common than to see two of these tottering vehicles, 
when lashed together side by side with cords, or any other 
strong bandages, carrying down our upland streams eight or 
nine heavy hogsheads of tobacco at a time to the warehousee 
rolled on their gunwales crossways, and secured against mov 
ing fore or aft by a small piece of wood drove under the bilge 
of the two extreme hogsheads , an almost incredible weight 
for such slender embarkations ! But as they will bear such a 
burden, their slender contexture is an advantage ; they draw 
but few inches water, move down a current with great velo- 



LETTJCRS OF JAMES MAURY. 389 

City, and leave the waterman nothing but Palinurus's task to 
perform when going downwards ; and wlien they return, two 
men will shove the canoes with poles as far against stream in 
one day, as four brisk watermen with oars can a boat that will 
carry the same burden, in two days. For this great improve- 
ment of inland navigation, we mountaineers are indebted to 
the late Reverend and ingenious Mr. Kose. But, to return : 
There are more than probable reasons for believing that the 
western branches of this river are no less extensive than its 
eastern branches. This is a common property of most rivers, 
and that it is of the Mississippi, I have the authority of one 
Mr. Cox, an English gentleman who, either some time before, 
or during the reign of King William III (in virtue of a 
charter granted by Charles I., if I remember right, for I speak 
without book; to his Attorney-General, Sir Robert Heath, con- 
stituting him the Lord-Proprietor of the lands and waters of 
the Mississippi, and afterwards transferred through several 
hands, till it fell into those of this gentleman), sailed up to its 
Great Falls near 1500 miles from its mouth, both took its 
soundings that whole distance, traced some of its most consid- 
erable branches on either side, and almost up to their sources, 
made a settlement and planted a colony upon it near midway 
that distance, if my memory fails me not, and published a map 
of it from his own and the Company's journals as far as those 
Falls; and above them, from what information he could col- 
lect from the savages. One of its western branches, he tells 
you, he followed through its various meanders for seven hun- 
dred miles (which, I believe, is called Missouri by the natives, 
or Red River, from the color of its waters), and then received 
intelligence from the natives that its licad springs interlocked 
in a neighboring mountain with the head springs of another 



390 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAlVnLY. 

river, to the westward of these same mountains, discharging 
itself into a large lake called Thoyago, which pours its waters 
through a large navigable river into a boundless sea, where, 
they told him, they had seen prodigious large canoes, with 
three masts, and men almost as fair as himself, if I mistake 
not ; for, as I have read a History of the travels of an Indian 
towards those regions, as well as those of Mr. Cox, the reports 
of the natives to both of them as to the large canoes are so 
similar, that I perhaps may confound one with the other. 
Mr. Cox's book, I imagine, is very scarce. I know of but one 
copy in this colony, of which I had an accidental, and there- 
fore a cursory view, about four years ago. It is a small 
octavo volume, entitled Cox's Carolana, that country being 
thus called from the Donor. 

Now, sir, though this narrative hath in it something of the 
romantic air of the voyager, yet the author's accounts of such 
branches of that river, and such parts of that country, even as 
high up as the latitude of Huron's Lake, and also his descrip- 
tion of the extent, situation, shape, soundings and other pro- 
perties of the Lakes now confessedly navigated by him, toge- 
ther with his character of the circumjacent lands, are said to 
have been found just by late discoveries, as far as discoveries 
have been made. And, if so, it is but reasonable to give 
credit to what he tells us concerning others of its waters and 
countries, into which, perhaps, no British subject has ever 
since penetrated. 

I presume the credit which Colonel Fry gave to Mr. Cox, 
and his recommending these matters to the consideration of 
the Governor and Council, gave birth to a grand scheme 
formed here about three years ago. But this is only a con- 
jecture, founded on my having seen that book at his house. 



I 



LETTERS OF JAMES MAUKY. 391 

The scheme might have been formed in Great Britain, and was 
this. Some persons were to be sent in search of that river 
Missouri, if that be the right name of it, in order to discover 
whether it had any such communication with the Pacific 
Ocean: they w<)re to follow that river if they found it, and 
make exact reports of the country they passed through, the 
distance they travelled, what sort of navigation those rivers 
and lakes aflForded, &c., &c. And this project was so near be- 
ing reduced into practice, that a worthy friend and neighbor of 
mine, who has been extremely useful to the Colony in the 
many discoveries he has made to the westward, was appointed 
to be the chief conductor of the whole affair, had, by order of 
their Honors, drawn up a list of all the necessary implements 
and apparatus for such an attempt, and an estimate of the ex- 
pense, and was upon the point of making all proper prepara- 
tions for setting out. when a sudden stop was put to the fur- 
ther prosecution of the scheme for the present, by a commence- 
ment of hostilities between this Colony and the French and 
their Indians, which rendered a passage through the interja- 
cent nations with whom they are ever tampering, too hazard 
ous to be attempted. This, I must observe to you, still re- 
mains a secret ; and to prevent its discovery to the enemy, in 
case the ship I write by should be taken, the person to whom I 
have recommended this packet has instructions to throw it 
overboard in time. However, you are at liberty to impart it 
to my uncle John, or to any other friend, of whose retentive 
faculty you can be as confident as I can be of yours. But to 
return once more. As there is such short and easy communi- 
cation by means of canoe navigation, and some short portages 
between stream and stream, from the Potomac, from Hudson's 
River in New-York, and from the St. Lawrence to the Ohio, 



393 ]VIEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILT. 

the two latter through the lakes, the former the hest and 
shortest. As there also is good navigation, not only for ca- 
noes and batteaux, but for large flats, schooners and sloops 
down the Ohio into the Mississippi, should Cox's account be 
true of the communication of this last river with the South 
Sea, with only one portage, I leave you to judge of what 
vast importance such a discovery would be to Great Britain, 
as well as to her Plantations, which, in that case, as I ob- 
served above, must become the general mart of the European 
World, at least for the rich and costly products of the East, 
and a mart at which chapmen might be furnished with all 
those commodities on much easier terms than the tedious and 
hazardous, and expensive navigation to those countries can at 
present afford. This would supersede the necessity of going 
any more in quest of the North East passage, which, proba- 
bly, if ever discovered, will also be productive of another dis- 
covery, that it lies in too inclement a latitude ever to be 
useful. 

The discovery of a communication through this part of 
the continent with the South Sea, would not only be a nursery 
for our seamen, but would be instrumental in saving the lives 
of great numbers of them, under Heaven, the protectors of 
you and of us ; who, poor fellows, drop off like rotten sheep 
by scorbutic disorders consequent upon such long voyages as 
that to the East Indies. 

What an exhaustlcss fund of wealth would here be opened, 
superior to Potosi and all the other South American mines ! 
What an extent of region ! What a — ! But no more. These 
are visionary excursions into futurity, with which I some- 
times used to feast my imagination, ever dwelling with plea- 
sure on the consideration of -whatever bids fair for contri- 



LETTERS OF JAMES MAUKT. 303 

buting to extend the empire and augment the strength of our 
mother island, as that would be diffusing liberty both civil 
and religious, and her daughter Felicity the wider, and at the 
same time be a means of aggrandizing and enriching this spot 
of the globe, to which every civil and social tie binds me, and 
for which I have the tcnderest regard. 

But, these pleasing expectations, if not entirely vanished, 
are much weakened and suspended, till Heaven decide the 
controversy between the two mighty monarchs now contend- 
ing, in some sort, for the empire of the world. 

Sir, as these lands now in dispute are so immensely valu- 
able, what reason can you assign why most of the great men 
with you, and why persons of the highest rank here, with very 
few exceptions, either were, or seemed to be, quite unac- 
(juainted with its value till of late? I know the reason of it 
here. Great men are too wise to be informed. They arc too 
indolent to look about them ; therefore their views and no- 
tions of matters of this nature, are contracted within so nar- 
row a compass, that they think nothing worth their inquiry 
beyond their own reach. And, when men of inferior fortune, 
but not therefore of inferior merit, have been animated by a 
principle both of industry' and public spirit, to search un- 
known forests and wilds, and made discoveries valuable and 
important to the State, and imparted them to these epicurean 
gods, they either discountenance, disregard, or discredit them. 
This, in too many instances, has been the misfortune here 
though not in all. as you will perceive by the scheme commu- 
nicated above, which is an instance to the contrary, provided 
my conjecture be correct, that it was originally formed here. 

On the other hand, our politic and sagacious, though tur- 
bulent neighbors, leave nothing unattempted to extend the 
17* 



391: MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

territory, and heighten the glory of the Grand Monarch. 
For, I am told that in Canada, to have made the tour of the 
Lakes, and Ohio and Mississippi, is reckoned an essential 
qualification, almost the sine qua non to recommend young 
gentlemen to any important posts, civil or military, under the 
government, the advantages of which they are now reaping. 
And happy would it have been for us if a tour of the same 
nature had been an especial qualification for recommending 
gentlemen to seats in the Supreme Court, while those regions 
were equally accessible to us and to them. But now, these 
gentlemen living in the lower parts of the country, within a 
day's ride of Williamsburg, except one, and none of them 
knowing any thing of the back country, our frontiers, from 
this very reason, have been left thus naked and exposed. 

Great are my hopes, that as the people both of Great 
Britain and the Colonies seem now at length to be highly sen- 
sible of the mischiefs of our past lethargy and supineness, we 
at last shall rouse, and let those bold intruders know they are 
not thus insolently to encroach on the demesne of the British 
Crown with impunity, nor peaceably allowed to wrest from us 
a country, the present intrinsic value of which, together with 
such future and contingent advantages as are in prospect, be- 
sides others out of view, of which yet the womb of time may 
be productive, almost exceed the power of numbers to calcu- 
late. Were I only to enumerate in a concise manner such of 
the important benefits only of the country watered by the 
Ohio, which is but one branch of the Mississippi, as occur 
even to myself, who have not leisure to attend to matters of 
that sort, my letter would swell to an enormous size. Youi 
own imagination, therefore, shall be permitted at leisure to 
-ange this ample field which I have here been endeavormg to 



LETTERS OF JAMES MAUEY. 395 

open just to your view, or rather to bring you nearer the 
verge of. You will no doubt ruminate with some little satis- 
faction on the vast importance of that prodigious river Mis- 
sissippi, which is said to take its rise on the south side of 
hills which empty the springs on their northern side into 
Hudson's Bay, which rolls its waters due south, through a 
great variety of latitudes, between those mountains and the 
Mexican Gulf, where it intermingles with the sea, and, in its 
course, waters a fat and fertile soil, which, from those various 
latitudes, with proper culture, is capable of bearing almost any 
of the productions of any climate or country. 

Of this the French are well aware, as I collect from their 
insinuations to the various European powers, in order to 
weaken the interest of Great Britain among them, that the 
sole possession of North America which they apprehend would 
be the consequence of our keeping the Ohio and the Lakes 
without partner or rival, would put it in the power of England 
not only to grasp at, but seize universal monarchy in Europe, in 
process of time. And though I may be mistaken, yet I verily 
believe as much. However, I think the Monsieur s in this 
ship have been somewhat abandoned by their usual sagacity, 
since the powers of Europe, upon an impartial comparison of 
the past conduct of the two contending nations for some cen- 
turies back, may possibly form a conclusion but little favor- 
able to them — a conclusion that should the English get such 
an opportunity, there is only a probability that they tnigkt ; 
but should the French get such an opportunity, there is an 
infallible certainty that they would make use of it ; and also 
that in the former case liberty, both civil and religious, but, 
in the latter, tyranny of both kinds would be moi*e widely dif 
fused and extensively propagated. 



396 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FA:\III.Y. 

Your observations and criticisms, or rather hints on the 
probability of the children doing well without the parent 
and on the coalition I mentioned in my last, appear to me ex- 
tremely just, and have contributed to open my eyes. How- 
ever, they are subjects that require to be treated with great 
delicacy, and like fenny lands, will only bear to be gently 
touched and slightly skimmed. God only knows the determi- 
nations of his own wise coxinsels, or what grand revolutions 
may be ripe for birth. Our business is patiently to wait their 
execution, and when executing or executed, humbly to aci^iii- 
esce in them as wise, and just, and right, and best. 

Our public affairs, as you will collect from mine to my 
uncle John, are not in such a state as blind mortals, who see 
but little beyond the present, would wish, or as a friend to 
his country, who attentively surveys them, any satisfaction. 

You will therefore also see, that we are trying first one ex- 
pedient and then another, to give them a more pleasing aspect, 
depending, I hope, on Providence, to crown them with success. 
For this purpose, several schemes have been recommended, 
and several projects seen the light, besides many more which 
probably have perished in their embryo state. 

Among other adventurers of this sort in the aerial world 
who erect elaborate piles of building in the air, you will fear I 
have classed myself, from a letter which, at the request of 
some neighboring gentlemen, I wrote to one of His Majesty's 
Council here, of which I herewith send you a copy, with a 
view (since you seem inquisitive into our affairs) of letting you 
further into our present circumstances ; from the contents of 
which, I imagine, you will discover what we think has cer- 
tainly rendered them bad as they are, and what we believe to 
be the most effectual method to mend them. And in order to 



Lxj-TTiiKS OF JAMES MAURY. 397 

render that letter still more couducive to those purposes, 1 
propose to add to it some explanatory annotations, if I car 
find time. 

Although I have already given such a loose to my pen. I 
must not yet hold my hand. Your postscript enjoins me to 
give some certain directions where my mother lives. Infan- 
dum, jubea renovate dolorein ! Alas ! she lives no more on 
earth ! She, for several reasons, the most weighty of which 
was, to consult my brother's interest, determined to remove to 
Lunenburg, and spend the remainder of her days with him. 
But as he was not yet prepared for accommodating her there 
in a manner suitable to her age and many infirmities, she last 
fall accepted of an invitation from my uncle Peter, to make 
his house her home, while my brother was preparing for her 
reception. There, I doubt not, the great kindness of ray aunt, 
and my uncle's vivacity, as well as agreeable and instructive 
conversation, contributed to her passing the time with much 
comfort and satisfaction for a while, that is, until the horn- 
was come when she was summoned to remove home into a 
building of God, an house not made with hands, eternal in the 
heavens. That she now lives there, we have abundant reason 
to conclude, as from her deportment while in the body, so 
from the manner in which she relin(^uished that perishable 
tabernacle ; of which my brother has given me some account in 
two letters. One informs mc when, about three in the after- 
noon, on Tuesday the 30th of December last, after four days' 
illness; the other, how; the most important point, which 
please to take in his own words. " The manner of her death 
was much like my father's. She was first taken with an ague, 
which was followed by a fever, which, after three days' con- 
tinuance, deprived her of the use of one side. When my aunt 



39 d MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

acquainted her she was dying, she lifted up her hands and 
thanked God that he had at length heard her prayers ; and 
she spent her last moments in wholesome admonitions to all 
about her, and in blessing us her children and all that we 
have. Thus," adds my dear brother, " our dearest mother 
made a most glorious end ! which, God grant we may all have 
the happiness to make whenever we shall be called upon !" 
Amen ! say I ; and so I am confident will you too. The 
grand business of life is to prepare for death, as that is pre- 
paring for eternity. Of all the acts of that piece, the last is 
the most important as well as the most difiicult, and therefore 
requires spiritual succor to perform it well. My mother hav- 
ing performed her last act so well, is much comfort even in 
the midst of affliction. Death, it seems, was regarded by her 
in the true light, as a removal from a labox'ious and fatiguing 
post to a state of reward, for having so faithfully maintained 
it. This, surely, caused her consolations to abound and over- 
flow in that hour of darkness, and has, I hope, had the same 
eflfect on her surviving friends, as far as self-love and other 
imperfections of human nature will permit. 

The decease of a person of her character, if we listen to 
divine revelation and unbiassed reason, cannot be lamented 
on the person's own account, except we think it acting a ra- 
tional and Christian part to grieve that the deceased has ex- 
changed mortality and corruption for immortality and incor- 
ruption, and removed from the busy, perplexing and toilsome 
scenes of life to a permanent and immutable state of rest, and 
peace, and bliss. However, at first, it is true we are but too 
apt to do so ; prompted thereto partly by the tender affec- 
tions of humanity, and partly by a very singular regard for 
ourselves, which makes us reluctant to part fi om the comfort 



LETTERS OF JAMES MAUKY. 399 

and pleasure we used to enjoy in the conversation and society 
of the departed. But, though it is not avoidable to sorrow 
on such occasions, yet there are not only different degrees, but 
different kinds of sorrow, too ; and, were it not for the certain 
discoveries of life and immortality through the sacrifice of our 
Redeemer, which have been so clearly brought to light by the 
Gospel, the sorrow consequent on such a loss as we have sus- 
tained, in the death of that excellent and pious parent, must 
have been a sorrow destitute of any alleviating intermixture 
of comfort. But, according to the tenor of the precious 
promises of the Gospel, and of her life, thanks be to the Ador- 
able Trinity, we are not quite void of comfort, because thence 
we have hope, that she now rests in a much happier place than 
a changeable and fleeting world ; hope, that her felicity has 
no limit as to its duration, nor any as to its measure, except 
those of the enlarged capacity of such a creature as man in 
his glorified and exalted state ; and hope, that the virtuous 
soul is making a perpetual progress towards the perfection of 
its nature, going on from strength to strength, arriving from 
one degree oi uappmess to another, and shining for ever with 
still new accessions of glory and bliss ; in a word, we have 
hope, that we too, who are left behind, shall not therefore be 
excluded the heavcr.ly Jerusalem, but though we may arrive 
somewhat later thither, shall, if our honest endeavors co-operate 
with our gracious Redeemer's all-sufiicient merits, be at length 
admitted into God's presence, where alone is fulness of joys 
and pleasures for evermore. These are pleasing and trium- 
phant considerations, and the basis of those glorious hopes 
which shoot enlivening rays of comfort through the blackest 
clouds, and dash even grief with some refreshing alloy of joy, 
but of a joy which perhaps it is easier to feel than describe, 



4:00 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY, 

and which, it may be, can be felt by none but those whos« 
minds have been happily tinctured with Christian principles, 
and who, to a lively faith and hope in Christ have been taught 
to add an absolute resignation to the will of God, our strictest 
duty, our greatest wisdom, and truest magnanimity. 

That in all the afflictions and adversities which may occur 
in our passage through this vale of misery and tears, these 
considerations and hopes may be your support and mine, and, 
indeed, the support of all others who need it, is the constant 
and fervent prayer of, dear sir, 

Your dutiful nephew and affectionate friend, 

James Maury. 

P. S. I had like to have forgot to inform you, that, thank 
God, myself and mine are all well, and that they unanimously 
desire to be affectionately remembered to yourself, and every 
branch of my uncle's family. I am glad to hear of the wel- 
fare of our relations in London; may the Lord continue it! 

N. B. Evans's map, colored, together with the pamphlet, 
were sold in Philadelphia at two Spanish dollars 4s. 6d. of our 
money. 

To Mr. John Fo7itairu. 
LomsA County, Fredericksville Parish, June 15fA, 1756. 

Dear Sir : — The receipt of your kind and agreeable lettef 
of 1st January, happened at a very seasonable juncture, as it 
administered much comfort where comfort was much wanting. 
Comfortable and satisfactory, to the highest degree, it is, 
when we cannot see, yet to hear from those with whom we are 
connected by the endearing ties of blood and friendship, ties 



LETTERS OF JAMES MATTRY. 403 

which, I trust, mutually link our nearts together now, aiiJ will 
continue so to do, till we meet in that more perfect, and, as 
my uncle Moses terras it, that inseparable and immutable state, 
where all imperfections will be done away, and every impedi- 
ment to a more intimate intercourse be removed Hopes and 
views of this sort are most reviving cordials to a mind labor- 
ing under the pressure either of public or private afflictions, 
and Providence has been pleased to afford me an opportunity 
of proving them to be so by my own experience in both. 

The private affliction, named in my letter to my uncle Mo- 
ses, is one in which you will both be no small sharers; which, 
though in truth very deep, is far from incurable, as the same 
Hand that gave it has graciously furnished means of cure, and 
poured healing balsam into the wound. 

As to the other kind of afflictions, they are still incumbent, 
and when they will be removed, God only knows. I hope I 
am resigned to the will of the great arbiter of all things, yet 
I cannot remain an unconcerned spectator of the calamities 
of my country. But, lest you should suspect me of being un- 
easy without just reason, I shall give you as just and suc- 
cinct an account as I can of the present state of affairs in this 
once flourishing and happy colony. 

You may remember, I told you last year, the drought had 
been of long continuance and threatened famine; but the wise 
and gracious Disposer of all things, who, in the midst of judg- 
ment remembers mercy, mitigated things so far as to afford a 
ufficiency of bread for the life of man, but, in general, very 
little more, so that vast numbers of stock, of all kinds, perish- 
ed, notwithstanding the uncommon clemency of last winter. 

Taxes on taxes are multiplied, and, though it be a oecessa* 
ry, it is a heavy burden. 



402 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUJ^NOT FAMILY. 

Besides genteel presents to the officers who behaved well 
last campaign at Monongahela, and a gratuity of £5 per man 
to every common soldier of our own regiment who survived 
the action, and pensions or presents to the disabled and to the 
widows of the slain, which amounted to a round sura; and 
besides levying money to pay the owners for upwards of one 
thousand hogsheads of tobacco, burnt in the warehouses of 
Boiling's Point, £40,000 was voted for His Majesty's service 
and our own defence, then, and £65,000 more this spring. 
This, as little or no tobacco was made last summer, falls heavi- 
ly on the lower ranks of people, especially, as tobacco is the 
only medium of raising money, and as they generally cultivate 
the meanest lands, so were their crops proportionally short. 
Of this the legislature has been so sensible, that an act, to con- 
tinue in force one year, was last fall passed, indulging the 
people by allowing them to pay off their public dues to the 
secretary, the county court clerks, the clergy and other public 
creditors (which ever before had been payable in tobacco), in 
money, at the rate of two pence per pound. The current mar- 
ket value has, hitherto, been twenty-six shillings per hundred, 
so that the law saves to those who have tobacco to sell, four 
pounds thirteen shillings and four pence per thousand, while 
it deducts the same from the annual salaries and revenues of 
the creditors. In my own case, who am entitled to upwards of 
seventeen thousand weight of tobacco per annum, the differ- 
ence amounts to a considerable sum. However, each indivi- 
dual must expect to share in the misfortunes of the community 
to which he belongs. 

Furthermore, to enable people to pay their taxes and debtg, 
pa^icr money has been issued, which, in every colony where it 



LErrrERS of james maukt. 403 

has been recurred to, iias been attended y^ith many evils, one 
of whicii is draining out the remains of their specie, 

JSotwithstandiug all this, our people pay their taxes with 
much more cheerfulness than could reasonably be expected 
from those whose necks were never heretofore accustomed to 
such a yoke, and who have had the mortification to see those 
contributions, large compared with their circumstances, sur- 
prisingly misapplied, and, through a complication of most 
egregious blunders, promotive of scarce one good eflfect to our 
country. Of these blunders, it may suffice to remark, that, 
notwithstanding the sums levied and expended, and the readi- 
ness of the people to pay their taxes and risk their persons in 
the defence of their country, and vindication of the insults 
offered to the crown, yet, ever since the tragical event last July, 
on the banks of the Monongahcla, our frontiers have been 
ravaged and dispeopled, great (quantities of the stock of the 
back inhabitants driven off by the French and their Indians 
to Duquesne. Fire, sword and perpetual alarms have surround- 
ed them, persons of every age and sex have fallen a prey to 
the barbarians, and, in short, the most shocking outrages per- 
petrated on the western settlements of this colony, and our 
two next neighbors to the northward. By these means, our 
frontiers have been contracted in many places 150 miles, and 
still are drawing nearer and nearer to the centre. 

To what secondary causes all this has been imputable, you 
will discover from a letter which the persuasion of some of my 
friends induced me to write to one of our honorables, early in 
the spring, of which I have sent my uncle Moses a copy ; 
whence you will oolieet what methods we think most proper 
(and ours is the general opinion) fur putting a stop to (ho 
further progress of those evils, and guarding against the like 



404 mi:moirs of a nrr.uKxoT family. 

in time to come. lu furtherance of these ends, I drew ap, 
and, by means of my acquaintance, dispersed in the three fron- 
tier and five contiguous counties, petitions to the General As- 
sembly before its last session, praying, that such a line of forts 
might be built, and such an Indian factory established. To 
these a favorable hearing was given, and a bill framed accord- 
ing to them, as far as relates to the chain of forts. But before 
this bill had gone through the several formalities requisite to 
constitute it a law, an unlucky clause was tacked to it, which, 
it is to be feared, will destroy every good effect that we had 
reason to hope for from it ; a clause incorporating five hun- 
dred men, now levying for the construction and defence of 
these forts, into the Virginia regiment; rather than submit to 
which, where the character of the regiment is known, people 
will pay any fines. The five hundred men are to be raised by 
a draught upon the young men of each county, who, on refu- 
sal to go upon duty are obliged to deposit £10 on the drum- 
head, by way of fine. 

Such was the treatment which tliat unfortunate regiment 
received last campaign from the commander in chief, that no 
person of any property, family or worth has since enlisted in it, 
and the Governor has filled up the vacant commissions and the 
new companies with raw, surly and tyrannical Scots, several of 
them mere boys from behind the counters of the factors here ; 
thus, that regiment, from an exceedingly good one, has degenera- 
ted into a most insignificant and corrupt corps. Whence, 1 ap- 
prehend, the salutary purposes of that act will be defeated, as 
the above complement of men will generally be made up of 
worthless vagrants, servants just out of servitude, and convicts 
boi.ight with the fines paid by recusants; men utterly unac- 
quainted with the woods and the use of fire arms. and. for 



I-KTTKRS OF JAMKS MAURY. 40c 

these reasons, were there no other, unfit to be sent against 
Indians. 

Besides this, feuds and dissensions still subsist between 
different branches of the legislature. 

To crown our misfortunes, we have been informed that 
such accounts of our temper and disposition in this colony 
have been transmitted to England, by a certain person, that 
the Ministry suppose we want nothing but ability and oppor- 
tunity to attempt shaking off" allegiance to the Most Gracious 
Prince, that, peradventure. ever adorned the British throne. 
This is a vile calumny, for the calumniator well knows that we 
nave shed our blood with the utmost cheerfulness, and we have 
paid taxes freely and willingly in support of the common cause, 
equally with any of our sister colonies, in proportion to our 
numbers and wealth. 

I fear nothing good will be done with all the money we 
have raised, unless aff"airs shall take cjuite a diff"erent turn on 
the arrival of the Earl of Loudoun, whom private letters, as 
well as public prints, give us reason daily to expect in his gov- 
ernment. 

Besides augmenting our regiment to one thousand men, in 
.he fall, and endeavoring to augment it further, now. to fifteen 
jundrcd men, levying monies and guarding our frontiers, the 
Honorable Peter Randolph and the Honorable William Byrd, 
:wo of the Council, have been sent ambassadors to the Chero- 
iees^ and have concluded a treaty between this government 
ind that nation ; obliging us. on the one hand, to build and 
garrison a good and sufficient fort in their country, for the 
protection of their women and children, which a body of men 
are now on their march to perform ; and that nation, on the 
other part, is to furnish us with five hundred warriors, this 



406 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY 

summer. This will probably afford some security to our froti 
tiers ; and. it gives a general satisfaction, for all now seem 
sensible, of what only some few were sensible, till of late, that 
Indians are the best match for Indians. 

It is a very pleasing consideration to observe the general 
spirit of patriotism, and the resentment against the common 
enemy, which seems to have diffused itself through every rank 
of men. The common people have lately given proof of it. 
This spring, upon advice that some thousands of French and 
Savages were approaching our frontiers, in their northern 
quarter, the government thought it necessary to make a draught 
of the militia of ten counties, contiguous to the three frontier 
counties, with orders to rendezvous at the town of Winchester, 
otherwise called Frederick, there to receive further orders from 
Col. Washington ; and, although it was at a season of the 
year when men could least be spared from home, and, indeed, 
when a long continuance on duty must have blasted all expec- 
tations of a crop in those who had no slaves to labor for them ; 
yet great numbers voluntarily offered themselves, and march- 
ed with the utmost alacrity to meet the ' enemy, till they 
had advanced as far as the place of rendezvous, where the 
alarm appeared to be false. T am fully convinced, had there 
been occasion, they would have followed their own officers, 
with the utmost spirit to Duquesne, or any other place ; if 1 
may form a judgment from what I then saw, for I was present, 
having, at the request of the detachment from this county, ac- 
companied them as chaplain. 

Upon its being determined, in a council of war, held there 
by Col. Washington and the militia field officers, that only a 
certain quota of the militia of each county should be left De- 
hind, amounting in the whole to only four hundred and I'our 



LETTERS OF JAMES MAUKY. 407 

men. the quota of each county to be commanded by a lieutcn- 
am, and two sergeants of its own ; the bare suspicion that 
some of the oflBcers of the regiment were to act over them as 
captains, had almost the same effect on the men as a spark of 
fire on a train of gunpowder. It raised such a fermentation, 
as Col. Washington's positive declaration that they should 
not be commanded by any officers but these lieutenants, could 
scarce allay. 

Although I have already been so prolix in these two letters, 
yet, lest you should have reason to charge me with harping only 
on the elegiac string, I must further inform you, which I do 
with great pleasure, that the bountiful Giver of all good things, 
has been pleased to cheer our spirits, under our misfortunes, 
with a prospect of almost unparalleled plenty and abundance 
for the current year. The last year's scarcity has made us 
much more provident than usual. Much larger fields of wheat, 
barley and rye last fall, and of oats this spring, have been 
sown, and much larger quantities of ground planted with In- 
dian corn, than has ever, heretofore, been known. And, al- 
though it be too early in the season to form any judgment of 
the latter, yet, as the former will, in a few days, call for the 
sickle and scythe some weeks sooner than usual, which is an 
eminent instance of divine goodness, we can form a very good 
judgment of them ; and unless some disaster befalls them be- 
tween this and harvest, I may venture to say that more wheat, 
barley; rye and oats will be made here this year, than perhaps 
has ever been made in any two or three preceding years to- 
gether ; for, besides the quantities sown, the winter and spring 
have been so unprecedentedly seasonable, that the earth produces 
by handfuls. And as we have known tlie evil of a scarcity, 
thou<5h not want of bread, it is to be hoped tlie approacliiiig 



408 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

plenty will inspire us with due sentiments of gratitude to Him 
who sends us rain from heaven and fruitful seasons, and makes 
the valleys stand so thick with corn, that, in the Psalmist's 
bold and significant metaphor, they laugh and sing. 

The wise man's general remark, that, When goods increase 
they are increased that eat them, is applicable to my own par- 
ticular case, my wife having lately increased our family with 
a daughter, whom we have named Elizabeth. 

As to affairs in the north, they continue much as they 
were left after Sir William Johnston's victory over the Baron, 
in our favor on the whole, but not so much so, but that our 
miscarriage there would give a turn to the scales. 

Should the forces expected in America with Lord Lou- 
doun be destined for this quarter, and the ofiicers who com- 
mand them have learned, from General Braddock's disaster, 
not to be too conceited of their own ability, and not to form 
too contemptible an opinion of the enemy, I think, if they 
arrive safe, they, in conjunction with some Pennsylvania, Mary- 
land and Virginia troops, might make a successful attempt 
against Duquesne this summer and fall, and thereby largely 
contribute to forward the success of the general plan. 

With my hearty prayers for the welfare of the whole little 
community at Cwm Castle, I am, with very great regard 

doar air, 

Your affectionate nephew, 
James Mu'rv 



LETTERS OF JAINIES MAURY. 409 

To Mr. Moses Fontaine. 

Louisa Cotjntt, Fredericksvili.e Parish, Jttne 11, 1759. 

Respected Sir: — Yours of the 14th September, 1758^ 
with the glasses which you have been so kind as to procure 
for me, and also the pamphlets, came safe to hand some months 
ago Accept of my sincere thanks for the trouble you have 
taken to oblige me herein. 

I am glad the manuscript afforded you any satisfaction. 
My reason for not sending it to the press without consulting 
those gentlemen, was, that I had cause to believe their influ- 
ence necessary to procure it a passage into the world, for 
want of which many useful things had been suppressed, and 
also a persuasion founded on their usual conduct and general 
character, that they would have readily undertaken and hear- 
tily engaged in the business. Had I not taken this for 
granted, I should at first have sent it to some other press, for 
at that time I imagined it might have some little tendency to 
open the eyes of such as wanted to see. But at present I 
know not of what service it could be. 

Many persons who have had better opportunities of in- 
formation in such matters than myself, and whose rank and 
station in life give more weight to what they recommend than 
any proposals of mine could be expected to have ; have both 
here and with you, with invincible force of argument, recom- 
mended those, or such like measures for our mutual security 
against the French intrigues and encroachments in America, 
both at present and in time to come. And Providence has 
been pleased of late to give so favorable a turn to public af- 
fairs in almost every department of the war, that 1 am in 
hopes those salutary measures will be carried into execution, 
18 



410 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

if not before, yet immediately after the conclusion of a peace 
and such an one as you mention, solid honorable, and lasting, 
may be no very distant event. For, blessed be the OJily 
Giver of victory for it, aflfairs both on your side of the Atlan- 
tic and ours wear a face very different from what they did 
some time ago, and much more pleasing than perhaps the 
most sanguine of us all could then expect they would at 
the present time. 

At our entrance on the war, we indeed seemed possessed 
of every advantage and means that could conduce to victory, 
and thence were willing to conceive hopes of seeing our enemy 
well nigh crushed, almost before completely prepared for com- 
bat. But yet our counsels, we had the mortification to ob- 
serve, were all frustrate, our enterprises unprosperous, and our 
arms almost every where disgraced. 

Near our own doors, a well-appointed army of disciplined 
troops fled before a contemptible band of savages and raga- 
muffins, and stained Monongahela's memorable stream with 
British blood ; and not far from yours, Mahon was wrested 
from the nation in a manner which will greatly surprise pos- 
terity. In short, every attempt to annoy the enemy or secure 
ourselves miscarried, notwithstanding a great inequality of 
strtniTth io our favot in those quarters of the world where 
the war cbvefly centred. 

None, I believe, but David's fool, and such as iie, will 
deny this to be the Lord's doing. And, although in many 
cases, his jud<rments, and the reasons of tliem are unsearcn- 
able and impenetrable by short-sighted mortals, yet here, me- 
thinks, they do not seem inexplicable. Had not too many of 
us, think you, been under the influence of that spirit 
which prompted Mezentius, in the poet, before combafc 



LETTERS OF JAMES MAUET. 41 J 

to boast, Dcxtra mild Dnts et tehim qvod tmssi/e Hbro. and 
the proud Assyrian, in the prophet, after victory to vaunl 
By the strength of my liaiid I liave done it^ and hy my wit 
doml If so, the Great Superintendent of the Universe 
seemed concerned to exhibit some new proof that He doetb 
according to his will, not only in the armies of heaven, but 
also among the inhabitants of the earth. Accordingly he chas 
tised that insolent spirit in us. as he did in the two instances 
just given ; and as lie sooner or later does in all others ot 
the like sort, consistently with that dreadful sentence. Cursed 
be the man who trnsteth in man. and maketJi Jtesh his arm, 
and whose heart departeth frovi the Lord. But whatever 
were his reasons for chastising, he has now graciously inter- 
fered to rescue from destruction his heritage, humbled and 
penitent, I hope, and sensible that without his blessing all 
human force is vain ; for our enemies, who then filled us with 
terror, have since been themselves dismayed. Our eflForts 
have reduced them, instead of an offensive, to act a defensive 
part. Their naval power has received severe and fatal checks. 
Their commerce is not only greatly encumbered, but probably 
well nigh ruined. Their coasts have been perpetually alarmed 
by repeated descents, and the horrors of war have been turned 
loose to 1 age within their own borders, both m Kurope and 
here. The armies of the Grand Monarch once, nay ol late, 
the terror of Europe, have been surprisingly mortilied and re- 
duced, nav. almost annihilated, as effectually, though not so 
suddenly, as those of his brotlier Sennacherib. The loss of 
Mahon has been abundaiitly compensated by llie acquisition 
of Louisburg. which puts us in possession of the keys of Ca- 
nada. Frojitenac, too, the gate from Canada into the lakes, 
and their ri''h and extensive environs, is an in>]iiii tant as it 



ixJ MEMoms OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

was a uneap conQuest. INiajjara too. tiie shortest and i»ei«i 
comiuunication between Canada and Jjouisiana is said to oe 
ours, though this J doubt cannot be dep<^nded on. However, 
it is coufidontly said Colonel (iage marched with two thou- 
sand men against it. upwards of two months ago, and ha.s 
taken it. 

Guadaloupe. too. in tlie West Indies, is no mean acquisi- 
tion ; and T am in hopes, at tlie present date, the British can- 
non, in the West Indies, on Lake Champhiin, and up 8t. 
Lawrence, are venting the resentments of an injured nation 
against the fortresses of Martinico. Crown Point, and Quebec. 
May this series of successes produce in our hearts such effects 
as they ought ! May they lead us to repent and constrain us 
to obey. 

I can give you no account of our families here, only that 
my brother is concerned in victualling the troops stationed on 
the south-western frontier of this colony, and that by his pru- 
dence and activity, and his spirited conduct as Lieutenant of 
Halifax county, he has greatly contributed to keep the remote 
inhabitants from abandoning their habitations, and thereby 
done no small service to his country ! — that my cousin Peter 
this spring lost a son with the nervous fever, and that my 
cousin James, son of ni}' uncle Francis by his second mar- 
riage, has had the misfortune to lose a fine parcel of slaves, 
which came by his mother, taken from him by a suit at law. 

The measles, now epidemic almost all over this continent. 
Has gone throueh my family lately (only two or three having 
escaped), without any otiier inconvenience than retarding our 
pianiatiou business so much at a critical season of the year, 
inai our crops and harvest are liKcly to suffer. The sraaii- 
pox, too, is near us in some places. 



l.KTTEKS OK JAMES MAVKf. "iiH 

.V.y •»(".{(! aurl faiuVij desire lo c>c respecifmlv remeiuDered 
to you. 

I am, dear sir. 

Vours affeotiunately and dutifully. 

James Maury. 



To Mr. Mo-scs Fontaine. 

Louisa Coun'ty, Fredekicksville PAinsir, J>/i>e ]dth, iToO. 

Dear Sir : — Yours from Cwm Castle of Nov. SOtli eame 
to hand some few days ago. 

It lias escaped my memory if you before advertised me of 
your intention to quit London. 

My conjectures concerning the effect of your exchanging 
the gross air of that immensely populous city for the purer air 
you now breathe, I perceive were not quite without founda- 
tion. Indeed, they were in good measure built on what I 
have had occasion to observe here. Persons who have been 
either born in the mountainous country hereabouts, or resided 
in it long enough to acquire what we call a mountain constitu- 
tion, on their removal to the flatter lauds and the large rivers, 
are infallibly unhealthy there, however healthy and robust 
they used to be here, so that, in the course of a few years, an 
athletic habit degenerates and dwindles into one valetudinary 
and cachectic. But when driven thence to this part of the 
country again, which is beautifully diversified with Miitou's 
gratefui variety of hill and dale, you would be surprised to see 
how suddenly they recover their wonted strength and vigor. 
I suppose the great difference between the two airs to be the 
CHUse which produces these effects. 



414 MEMOIKS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

In the lower parts of the country, near the large rivers, 
the lands are flat and the declivity towards the sea-coast much 
more gradual than here. Hence, the water there descends 
with less rapidity, and is not so pure ; hence, too, there are 
many more stagnant collections of it, which may be considered 
as so many seminaries of disease. On the rivers, too, are ex- 
tensive tracts of marshy land, many parts of which are so miry 
that, without exaggerating, you may with a light impulse of 
the hand, bury a ten-foot rod in a perpendicular direction. 
These are covered with a luxuriant growth of grass and weeds 
in summer, and with a thick coat of dry sedge in winter ; so 
that, except in the spring, when these places are set on fire, 
they are utterly impenetrable to sun or air, excluding the salu- 
brious blasts of the one and the purifying rays of the other, 
and remain ever fraught with noxious and morbific particles. 
Hence arise fogs, prodigiously dense, impregnated with un- 
wholesome vapors, arising from these sloughs, and extremely 
ofiensive to the smell, which often continue undispersed till 
nine o'clock in the morning, by which probably the purity and 
salubrity of the air is impaired. From the evils of these 
treasuries of disease we mountaineers are happily exempt. The 
descent of our lands is so quick, that morasses are scarcely 
known among us, and the rapidity of our waters so great that 
none of them have leisure to stagnate. Now, the difference 
between the air of London and that of the country may possi- 
bly be as great as between that of a lowland and mountainous 
situation here ; for. methinks it is highly probable, that the 
smoke and filth of that prodigious city may infect and pollute 
the air as much as the exhalations from our marshy grounds. 
Whether these speculations be just or not, I. who never made 
philosophy my study, will not undertake to decide, but it !& 



LETTEUS OF .TAMES MAURT. 415 

uot^ir'ous that, many constitutions, wbicli bad been so impaired 
Dv the unwnoiesomo air ot the 'uwe'* country tliac the pfiysi- 
Clan's an could neither mend nor restore have surprisingly re 
covered their vif^or by a chaui^e of situation. Mav your re- 
moval tu rural retreats and sylvan scenes be attended with the 
like happy eifeets ! 

A sound mind in a sound body, with a competent share of 
the comforts of lifs, is doubtless the highest pitch of happiness 
to which a reasonable man could aspire, till the desirable pe- 
riod arrive when He, who has so wonderfully connected and 
interwoven in one frame two such different and heterogeneous 
principles as flesh and spirit, shall think fit to dissolve the 
union, in order to that more perfect and glorious re-union 
which we expect to take place on that awful day, when this 
corruptible shall put on incorruption, and this mortal, immor- 
tality, and when Death, that scourge of guilt and enemy of 
our nature, shall be triumphantly swallowed up in victoi-y. 

Your command to let you know the distance and bearings 
between the several branches of our family and Williamsburg, 
and also between each other, I will execute as well as I am 
able without the assistance of a pair of dividers, which I have 
not at present by me. 

Mr. Fontaine, if I mistake not, lives near Bear Swamp, 
close on the southern branch of the North Anna, a northern 
branch of Pamunkey Kiver. about 75 miles northwest from 
Williamsburg, and about 56 miles almost due east from hence, 
in the count}' of Hanover. 

Mr. Claiborne is seated in tlie forks of Nottoway, in the 
county of Lunenburg, between ninety and a hundred miles 
distant from Williamsbuiy. by a course about two poiutH w 



4J6 MEMOIES OF A HT'GTTKNOT FAMILY. 

the southward rf west, and about the same distance henoo in a 
direction somewhat to the eastward of south. 

My brother, as well as I remember, lives on the waters of 
Difficult Crc'ik, near the extremity of that point of land where 
the ,^reat river Roanoke is formed by the confluence of the 
Dan and Stanton, one hundred and twenty miles from the me- 
tropolis, in a course somewhat to the southward of west, in 
the county of Halifax, and a hundred miles at least from 
hence, a little to the westward of south. 

The rector of Fredericksville is planted close under the 
southwest mountains, one hundred and thirty miles nearly 
northwest from Williamsburg. 

To the article of public affairs, I have little to add to what 
has been said in my letters to uncle John and to Mr. Torin. 
However, it may not be unacceptable to subjoin, that General 
Stanwix, who last year commanded at Pittsburg, has, by his 
singular industry and application, and by prosecuting the 
works during the whole winter, as far as the rigors of the sea- 
son would allow, completely finished a large and strong fortifi- 
cation there. Instead of wasting time in those pleasures and 
diversions which officers commonly indulge in during the 
winter, this gentleman continued at his post, and carried on 
the works with assiduity and vigor, and left not the wilds of 
Ohio till late in the spring, when he returned to Philadelphia 
in order to embark for Great Britain, where I hope his great 
merit will meet with the approbation, and applause, and grate- 
ful acknowledgment of his country and his Royal Master. 

The command of the Southern army, since his departure 
devolves on General Monkton, an officer, universally esteemed 
by those who have been witnesses of his spirited conduct on 
many occasions since the commencement of the war. At the 



LEITEKS OF JAMES MAUKY 411 

time that the behavior of Braddock, and some other British 
officers, had caused very unfavorable ideas to be attached to 
the words — English officer — this gentleman, though only Lieu- 
tenant Colonel, vras respected wherever he was known. By 
this date, I expect, he is on the point of embarking, either fron 
Oswego or Niagara, on an expedition against Detroit, a French 
fortress, built on the western side of the strait, through which 
the upper lakes pay their constant tribute to Erie. This place 
is otherwise called Pontchartraiu. Should he succeed, he is 
to advance to St. Sulpice, situate on the strait through which 
the Lake Michigan discharges its waters into Huron. Thence, 
if all go smoothly, and summer enough be left, a chain of forts 
is to be extended to the Mississippi, and all the most impor- 
tant portages and communications between the waters of the 
Mississippi, and the Lake Michigan, secured quite into Mis- 
sissippi. Whether this intelligence be authentic, I know 
not. The plan, however, seems to be good, pleasing at least 
to myself, as it exactly falls in with my own notion ; and, to 
me it appears practicable, as, without some uncommon disaster, 
the enemy, there, must submit to our superiority of strength. 
It is excellently calculated to prevent the augmentation of the 
French power here, to finish the glorious work of stopping up 
all the avenues of eouimunieation between their northern and 
southern settlements, and to open a most lucrative trade with 
nations scarce ever heard of by the American English. And. 
ehould the armaments, which, your prints tell us, are destined 
against their settlement of Louisiana, also triumph. Great 
Britain will then be in possession of what wi\l our day prove 
a more copious source of wealth than all the Mexican and 
Peruvian mines. 

The lionorable and successful issue of the war, will, proba- 
18* 



418 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

bly, put it out of the power of any thing but our iniquities t4 
hurt us; though, according to the course of things, it may 
minister material for cherishing those vices, which, alas ! have 
already grown to a gigantic and enormous size. So that we 
may possibly, at length, fall under the Psalmist's malediction, 
and see those very things, which should have been for our 
wealth, by our own perverse abuse of them, unhappily con- 
verted into an occasion of falling. This is certainly an alloy 
that embitters the pleasure resulting from prospects of tem- 
poral greatness, to feel that all the enjoyments and possessions 
of this world carry in them, what, though not necessarily, yet, 
eventually, becomes a temptation to evil. And, therefore, you 
may believe that I, very heartily, join with you in praying 
that such a wonderful series of successes may not produce the 
unnatural fruits it sometimes does, but those, which in reason, 
and justice and duty it ought to do. 

My family desires to be particularly remembered to you, 
and as for myself, I am, respected sir, 

Your dutiful nephew and affectionate friend, 

James Maury. 



To the Rev JoJm Camm. 

December \1ih, 1768. 

i>EAR Sir : — Now that I am somewhat more at leisure, 
than when I wrote to you by Major Winston, from Hanover, 
some few days ago, I have sat down to give you the best ac- 
count I can of the most material passages in the trial of my 
cause against the Collectors in that Court, both to satisfy 
your own curiosity, and to enable the lawyer, by whom it ia 
to ne managed in the General Court, to form some judgment 



LETTEKS OF JA_MP:S MAURY. 4 1 [) 

of its merits. I believe, sir. you were advised from Nov'r 
Court, that the Bench had adjudged the twopenny act to bc 
no law ; and that, at the next, a jury, on a writ of inijuiry, 
were to examine whether tlie PlaintiflF had sustained any dam- 
ages, and what. Accordingly, at December Court, a select 
jury was ordered to be summoned ; but, how far they who 
gave the order, wished or intended it to be regarded, you may 
judge from the sequel. The Sheriff went into a public room, 
full of gentlemen, and told his errand. One excused himself 
(Peter Robinson of King William) as having already given 
his opinion in a similar case. On this, as a person then pres- 
ent told me, he immediately left the room, without summoning 
any one person there. Jle afterwards met another gentleman 
(Richard Sq. Taylor) on the green, and, on his saying he was 
not fit to serve, being a churchwarden, he took upon himself 
to excuse him, too, and. as far as I can learn, made no further / 
attempts to sunnnon gentlemen. These, you'll say, were but 
feeble endeavors to comply with the directions of the Court 
in that particular. ,^Hcnce, he went among the vulgar herd. ^ 
After he had selected and set down upon his list about eight 
or ten of these, I met liim with it in his hand, and on looking 
over it, observed to him that they were not such jurors as the 
Court had directed him to get, being people of whom I had 
never heard before, except one, whom, I told him, he knew to 
be a party in the cause, as one of the Collector's Securities, 
and, therefore, not fit for a juror on that occasion. Yet this 
man's name was not erased. He was even called in Court, 
and. had lie not excused him.self. would prolnibly have been 
admitted. For. 1 cainiot recollect, that the Court expressed 
either surj)ri.^e or dislike that a iimrc proper jury had not been 
summoned. -N^y; though 1 objected against them, yet, as 



420 MEMOLKS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

Patrick Henry (one of the Defendant's lawyers) insisted tLey 
were honest men, and, therefore, unexceptionable, they were 
immediately called to the book and sworn. Three of them, 
as I was afterwards told, nay, some said four, were Dissenters 
V of that denomination called New Lights^ which the Sheriff, 
as they were all his acquaintance, must have known. Messrs. 
Gist and McDowall, the two most considerable purchasers in 
that county, were now called in to prove the price of tobac- 
co, and sworn. The testimony of the foimer imported, that, 
during the months of May and June, 1750, tobacco had cur- 
rently sold at 50s. per hundred, and that himself, at or about 
the latter end of the last of those months, had sold some hun- 
dreds of hhds. at that price, and, amongst the rest, one hun- 
dred to be delivered in the month of August, which, however, 
were not delivered till September. That of the latter only 
proved, " That 50s. was the current price of tobacco that 
season." This was the sum of the evidence for the Plaintiff. 
Against him, was produced a receipt to the Collector, to the 
oest of my remembrance in these words : '-Received of Thomas 
Johnson, Jun'r, at this and some former payments, £144, cur- 
rent money, by James Maury." After the lawyers on both 
sides had displayed the force and weight of the evidence, pro 
and con. to their Honors, the jurors, and one of those who ap- 
peared for the Defendants had observed to them that they must 
Snd [or if they must finely I am not sure which, but think the 
former) for the Plaintiff, but need not find more t})an one far- 
thing ; they went out. and, according to instruction (though 
whether according to evidence or not, I leave you to judge ). in 
less than five minutes brought in a verdict for the Plaintiff, one 
penny damages. Mr. Lyons urged, as the verdict was contrary to 
evidecce. the jury ought to be sent out again. But no notice 



LETPEKS OF JAMKS MAURY. 421 

was taken of it, and the verdict admitted without hesitation by 
the Bench. He then moved to have the evidence of Messrr 
Gist and McDowell recorded, with as little eflfect. His next 
motion, which was for a new trial, shared the same fate. He 
then moved it might be admitted to record, "that he had made 
a motion for a Tiew trial, because he considered the verdict con- 
trary to evidence, and that the motion had been rejected ;" which, 
after much altercation, was agreed to. He lastly moved for an 
appeal, which, too. was granted. This, sir, as well as I can re- 
member, is a just and impartial narrative of the most material 
occurrences in the trial of that cause. One occurrence more, 
tho' not essential to the cause, I can't help mentioning, as a 
striking instance of the loyalty, impartiality and attachment of 
the Bench to the Church of England in particular, and to re- 
ligion at large. Mr. Henry, mentioned above (who had been 
called in by the Defendants, as we su.spected, to do what I some 
time ago told you of), after Mr. Lyons had opened the cause, 
rose and harangued the jury for near an hour. This harangue 
turned upon points as much out of his own depth, and that of 
the jury, as they were foreign from the purpose ; whit-h it 
would be impertinent to mention here. However, after he had 
discussed those points, he labored to prove "that the act of 
1758 had every ch;iracteristic of a good law; that it was a 
law of general utility, and could not, consistently with what 
he called the original compact between King and people, stip- 
ulating protection on the one hand and obedience on the other 
be annulled." Hence, he inferred. '■ that a King, by disallowing 
Acts of this salutary nature, from being the father of his 
people, degenerated into a Tyrant, and forfeits all right to bis 
subjects' obedience." He further urged, "that the only une 
of an Established Church and (Hergy in society, is to enforre 



422 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUKMOT FAMILY. 

obedience to civil sanctions, and the observance of those which 
are called duties of imperfect obligation : that, wiien a Clergy 
ceases to answer these ends, the community have no further 
need of their ministry, and may justly strip them of their ap- 
pointments ; that the Clergy of Virginia, in this particular 
instance of their refusing to acquiesce in the law in question, 
had been so far from answering, that they liad most notoriously 
counteracted, those great ends of their institution ; that, 
therefore, instead of useful meml)ers of the state, they ought 
, to be considered as enemies of the community ; and that, in 
the case now before them, Mr. Maury, instead of countenance, 
and protection and damages, very justly deserved to be pun- 
- ished with signal severity." And then he perorates to the fol- 
lowing purpose, "that excepting they (the jury) were disposed 
to rivet the chains of bondage on their own necks, he hoped they 
would not let slip the opportunity which now offered, of making 
such an example of him as might, hereafter, be a warning to 
himself and his brethren, not to have the temerity, for the 
future, to dispute the validity of such laws, authenticated by 
the only authority, which, in his conception, could give force to 
laws for the government of this Colony, the authority of a 
legal representative of a Council, and of a kind and benevo- 
lent and patriot Governor." You'll observe I do not pretend 
to remember his words, but take this to have been the sutu 
and substance of this part of his labored oral!ion. When he 
came to that part of it where he undertook to assert, "that a 
King, by annulling or disallowing acts of so salutary a nature, 
from being the Father of his people degenerated into a Tyrant, 
and forfeits all right to his subjects' obedience ;" the more sober 
part of the audience were struck with horror. Mr. Lyons 
called out aloud, and with an honest warmth, to the Bench, 



LETTERS OF JAMES MAUKY. 423 

"That the gentleman had spoken treason," and expressed hip 
astonishment "that their worships could hear it without emo- 
tion, or any mark of dissatisfaction." At the same iustani 
too, amongst some gentlemen in the crowd behind me, was a 
confused murmur of Treason, Treason ! Yet Mr. Henry went 
on in the same treasonable and licentious strain, without in- 
terruption from the Bench, nay, even without receiving the V^ 
least exterior notice of their disapprobation. One of the jury, 
too, was so highly pleased with these doctrines, that, as I was 
afterwards told, he every now and tUon-gave the traitorous de- 
claimer a nod of approbation. After the Court was adjourned 
he apologised to me for what he had said, alleging that his sole 
view in engaging in the cause, and in saying what he had, was 
to render himself popular. You see, then, it is so clear a point 
in inis person's opinion, that the ready road to popularity here, 
is, to trample under foot the interests of religion, the rights 
of the church, and the prerogative of the Crown. If this be 
not pleading for the "assumption of a power to bind the King's 
hands," if it be not asserting "such supremacy in provincial 
Legislatures" as is inconsistent with the dignity of the Church 
of England, and manifestly tends to draw the people of these 
plantations from their allegiance to the King, tell me. my dear 
sir, what is so, if you can. Mr. Cootes, merchant on James 
River, after Court said " he would have given a considerable 
su!i out of his own pocket, rather than his friend Patrick 
should have been guilty of a crime, but little, if any thinjr 
inferior to that which brought Simon Lord Lovatt to the 
block ;" and justly observed that he exceeded the most se- 
ditious and inflammatory harangues of the Tribunes of old 
Rome 

My warmest wishes and jtrayers ever attend you. And 



(\4^- 



4:2J: MEMOIKS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

besides these there is little else in the power of, my dear 

Camm, 

Your affectionate 

J. Maury. 



To Mr. John Fontaine. 

Decemher 31, 1765. 

But what hath given a most general alarm to all the 

colonists on this continent, and most of those in the islands, 
and struck us with the most universal consternation that ever 
seized a people so widely diffused, is a late Act of the British 
Parliament, subjecting us to a heavy tax, by the imposition of 
stamp duties on all manner of papers required in trade, law, 
or private dealings ; on pamphlets, newspapers, almanacs, cal- 
enaars, ana even advertisements ; and ordaining that the 
causes of delinc^uents against the Act, wheresoever such de- 
linquents may reside, shall be cognizable, and finally determin- 
able by any Court of Admiralty upon the continent, to which 
either plaintiff or defendant shall think proper to appeal from 
the sentence either of the inferior Courts of Justice or the su- 
perior. The execution of this Act was to have commenced 
on the first of the last month all over British America, but 
hath been, with an unprecedented unanimity, opposed and pre- 
vented by every province on the continent, and by all the 
islands, whence we have had any advices since that date. For 
this 'tis pi'obable some may brand us with the odious name of 
rebels, and others may applaud us for that generous love of 
liberty which we inherit from our glorious forefathers, while 
some few may prudently suspend their judgment till they shall 
have heard what may be said on either side of the question. 
If the Parliament indeed have a right to impose taxes on 



LETTERS OF JAMES MAUKY, 425 



I 



the colonies, we are as absolute slaves as any in Asia, and 
consequently in a state of rebellion. If they have no such 
right, we are acting the noble and virtuous part which every 
freeman and community of freemen hath a right, and is in 
duty bound to act. For my own part, I am not acquainted 
with all that may be said on the one part or the other, and 
therefore am in some sort obliged to suspend my judgment. 
But no arguments that have yet come in my way, have con- 
vinced me that the Parliament hath any such right. The ad- 
vocates for the Act, I observe, have alleged both precedents 
and arguments in support of the Parliament's right of taxa- 
tion over the colonies. The precedents alleged are two Acts ^ 
of Parliament; one establishing a Post-Office in America; 
the other, making some regulations with regard to the British 
troops sent hither in the late war ; which are so very dissimi- y 
lar from what they have been alleged to support, and there- 
fore so foreign from the point, that instead of producing con- 
viction, they really excite laughter. And of the arguments 
I have seen urged in behalf of this, till now unheard-of claim, 
the chief seems to be but a bare ipse dixit^ an unsupported 
assertion that we, as British subjects, are virtually represented 
In the British Parliament, and consequently obliged by all its 
Acts. But. how some millions of people here (not a man of 
whom can, in consequence of his property here, either give a 
vote for sending a member to, or himself obtain a seat in. 
your House of Commons) can, in any sense, be said to be rep- 
Gscnted by that House, is utterly incomprehensible to an 
American understanding, or to any European understanding 
I have yet met with, which hath breathed American air. 
That we are subject to the jurisdictinii of P;irliameiit in mat- 
ters of government that are of a nature purely external ; sub- 



426 MEMOIKS OF A HUGUEKOT JAMILY. 

ject, too, to such of its statutes as are of a date orior to th« 
tirst migration of our ancestors hither, and to the first foundv 
tion of our government, is what seems to be generally granted 
amongst those I have conversed with. But taxation is an 
act of government purely internal, in which (allowing us to be 
freemen) we conceive a British House of Commons and a Par; 
lianieut of Paris have an equal right to intermeddle. We 
flatter ourselves with a notion, that though we be subjects of 
Great Britain, and, we, hope, as loyal as any others (and per- 
haps not less useful), We yet are freemen. All our charters 
declare (whicli we are not conscious of having ever forfeited) 
that all British subjects dwelling and their diildren born 
here^ shall have and en^oy all liberties^ franchises and immu- 
nities to all intents and purposes^ as if tlh%y had been abiding 
and horn within the realm of England And if these char- 
ters have not been legally forfeited, as we trust they have not, 
are we not entitled to all the rights and liberties of Britons ? 
If we be, we cannot, one would think, consistently with the 
principles of the British government, as ascertained in Magna 
Charta, be taxable without our own consent. We also con- 
ceive that the consent of no freeholder in America hath been 
given, or can possibly be given, in any constitutional mode, 
either personally or vicariously, to the Act in question, or to 
any other Act of taxation ; because, not a man of us, as pos- 
sessor of American property, can, as was before observed, vote 
for a member, or himself become a member, in that august 
House, whence all money bills, as far as their jurisdiction ex- 
tends, must take their rise. We, moreover, consider ouselves. 
if you will allow me the expression for want of a better, as a 
peculiu7n of the Crown. By charters from the Crown, that 
company was incorporated which first planted us. By the 



LDTTKRS OK .IA^r^:s MAFRY. 427 

Urown weie tnose cliartcrs afterwards revoked. By tlm 
Orown, too, we are told, all the grants of liberties, ail the 
charters which had passed t'roin the company during its exist- 
ence, to *.he colony, were, upon the revocation of the com- 
pany's charters and its dissolution, confirmed and ratified to 
us. Under the immediate protection, direction, and govern- 
ment of the Crown have we been from that time to this. In 
short, thenceforward all the Acts of our Legislature either 
have, or constitutionally ought to have been, transmitted to 
(jireat Britain and subjected to the royal government, either 
to be disallowed, or ratified and confirmed by the ultimate 
sanction of the royal assent, previously to their having the 
force and validity of laws, without any parliamentary interpo- 
sition whatever. So that the King, not as a branch of the 
British Legislature, but as a sovereign lord and absolute pro- 
prietor of the colony, in conjunction with his commissioner the 
Governor, his Council of State, and the people's representatives 
here, we suppose, form that aggregate Legislature, to the Acts 
of which alone, in all articles of intiMiial government (of which 
taxation is a most important one) we owe obedience. To such 
alone, and to no other, have we paid obedience quite from our 
first establishment to this ]»resfnt day. And to such alone, 
in all such articles, particularly that of taxes, if I mistake not 
the sentiments of my countrymen, will they ever be disposed 
or prevailed on to pay obedience by any other argument than 
what some have called the iili'inut. ratio irgam^ which may. 
for aught T know, be as cinivincing in matters of policy, as 
fire and faggot have been in tli(i.'<c ^A' religion. Besides all 
this, whenever the colony hath hibond under any grievance 
which the branches of the Legislature here resident could not 
redress, or hath found it necessary to crave any indulgence or 



428 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

enlargement of privileges and immunities, their application hae 
been always made to the King. And it doth not appear to 
me, that ever they have made any application to Parliament 
since King James I. took them out of the company's hands 
\1 in 1624, on any occasion whatever, except once or twice when 

it was apprehended some bills, depending in Parliament, Tould 
pass into Acts, whicli would be prejudicial to their trade 
abroad, till they remonstrated against the Stamp Act. And, 
indeed, they have had very little encouragement to do so 
again, if what their agent hath told them be true ; that their 
remonstrances against that bill (though modest as could be 
expected from men not sunk into the most abject slavery) 
were not so much as permitted to be heard. Such hath been 
the form of government under which we have lived from the 
year 1621, when our government was thoroughly established 
by charter from the company, to this present date. This we 
think a succession of years suflficient to establish that argu- 
ment in support of our rights, had we no other, which is called 
prescription ; for, during this whole period, no archives, rec- 
ords, or histories, that any here are acquainted with, or that 
any with you have cited, as far as I know, show, that ever the 
British Parliament attempted to tax us, or intermeddle in any 
matters relative to our interior government, till the date of 
this unhappy Stamp Act. All these rather prove the con- 
trary. Nay, it appears that some Acts, even under an arbi- 
trary Stewartine reign sent over hither with Lord Culpepper, 
when he came as Governor, were, by his Lordship's instruc- 
tions, previously to their execution, to be subjected to the 
consideration of our General Assembly, in order to obtain their 
consent. It further appears, that they were so subjected and 
consented to by the Assembly, after the addition of two pra 



LETTERS OF JAMES MAl'KV. 42I> 

visoes to one of them. In a wurJ, it is indisputable that, 
whenever the kings of Great Britain have wanted any aid? 
either of men or money from this colony, the method of obtain- 
ing them hath been by letters requisitory, in the royal name, 
from a Secretary of State to the Governors, by whom those 
letters have been laid before the Assembly, who have levied 
the aids asked in such mode and by such ways and means as 
they thought most effectual and least oppressive, of which 
they surely are the best judges ; from all which premises the 
people of Virginia conclude, the Parliament hatib nu rigid to 
tax them. But if they had, it is as steadfastly believed by 
most men here, as any article of their creed, that they have 
no right lo deprive us of the inestimable privilege of being tried 
by juries. This unconstitutional stretch of authority they are 
certain it is not their duty to obey. The transition from sub- 
jecting us to be tried by Courts of Admiralty in civil matters 
to military government is so easy, that the thoughts of it almost 
reduce us to despair. For these reasons, amongst many others, ^ 
the people of this colony would not allow the stamped paper" ; 
to be distributed, and forced the stamp-master to resign imme- ) 
diately on his arrival. These reasons convince them that the \ 
moment they acquiesce under the Stamp Act, they commence 
slaves ; and the blood of their generous ancestors which flows 
in their veins, or some other cause, seems to have given them 
such an instinctive abhorrence of slavery that, were we to / 
judge from appearances, they tliiuk any evil whatever more 
eligible than that. How the aflair will end, God only knows ! 
May his wise Providence prevent those tragedies, which my 
very heart even bleeds at the thoughts of! 

But, put the case (which is the most favorable supposition 
that can be put). that the Colonies at last submit to the gall- , 



430 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMIEV. 

ing joke, every friend to Great Britain must even tiieu find 
cause to detest and execrate the Act. For the execution of 
it, or of any other Act of Taxation, will aifect her in the ten- 
derest points, — her manufactures, trade, and naval power 
The Colonies were poor before the war. They are mucl 
more so since. Additional taxes must increase their poverty 
The poorer they are, the le.«s of your manufactures can the} 
pay for and consume. The less demand there is for those 
manufactures, the more of your manufacturers must want 
bread. When we can no longer pay for your manufactures, 
we cannot go naked. Necessity will set us upon improving 
the natural advantages of oui soil and climate, and manufac- 

\ turing the products of it, flax, hemp, wool, and cotton, which are 
to be had here in great plenty, as well as perfection. Besides, 
it is said, some eminent merchants in London have computed 
that one-third, others one-fourth, of your exports are brought 
to the Colonies ; and have observed that those exports have 
greatly diminished since this Act hath been on the carpet. 
How just that comj)utation or remark may be, I do not know. 
But this I know, that the orders for goods from Great Bri 
tain have greatly decreased, wherever I am acquainted, as 
well as the consumption of them, within these few months ; 
that the number of wheels, looms, &c., have increased to an 
amazing degree, and that only at one meeting in a neighbor 
ing Colony, upwards of two hundred merchants are said to 
have bound themselves under most solemn engagements, not 
to order any goods from Great Britain till that Act should 
be repealed. In short, necessity will force every man of us to 

1 employ his own labor and that of his slaves, so as may best sup- 
ply his needs ; from which. I believe, nothing but some dragoons 
at each man's door wi'l prevent us. More need notTe said to 



LEITKRS OF JAMES MAFRY. 431 

prove this detestable Act productive of the most direful mischief, 
uot only to the children, but to the mother island. For my 
own part, whatever the event may be, I comfort myself with 
the reflection, that every thing here below is subject to th« 
control of irresistible power, directed by unerring wisdom and 
infinite goodness, &c. &c. 

J. Maury. 



To the Honorable Philip L,udv)ell. 

Honorable Sir : — However misbecoming it may in ge- 
neral be thought, in such as act only in a private station, to 
intermeddle in affairs of a public nature; yet when our coun- 
try is in danger, to ward that danger off seems to be an ob- 
ject of common concern. Hence, I trust, any member of the 
community will be deemed pardonable, at least, in showing a 
readiness to forward the accomplishment of that desirable 
end. With this view then, I am about to take the freedom 
to offer to your Honor's consideration some few particulars 
with which, peradventure, the great distance between Wil- 
liamsburg and those parts of the country which are most im- 
mediately affected by them, may have prevented some gentle- 
men, who share in the administration, from being so tho- 
roughly acquainted, as. it is conceived, public utility, re- 
quires they should. 

Not to mention the repeated acts of hostility and vio- 
lence committed, on our fellow-subjects in the remoter parts 
of the Colony, by those bloody instruments of French policy, 
the Indians ; nor the great extent of country on both sides 
the Al.eghahies, now almost tolaliy depopulated by them, 
which are facts long since notorious to all I beg leave to in- 



432 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

form you, that such uumbeis of people have lately trans- 
planted themselves hence into the more southerly govern- 
ments, as must appear almost incredible to any, except such 
as have had an opportunity of knowing it, either from their 
own observation, or the credible information of others. 

From the waters of Potomac, James River, and Roanoke, 
on the eastern side of the above-mentioned ridge of mountains, 
nay, from the side of the Blue Ridge, hundreds of families 
have, within these few months past, removed, deserted their 
habitations, and conveyed themselves and their most valuable 
movables into other governments. 

By Bedford Court House, in one week, it ns said, and I 
believe truly said, near three hundred persons, inhabitants ot 
this colony, passed on their way to Carolina. And I have it 
from good authors, that no later in autumn than October, 
five thousand more had crossed James River, only at one 
ferry, that at Goochland Court House, and journeying towards 
the same place ; and doubtless great numbers have passed 
that way since. And, although all these had not been settled 
in Virginia, yet a large proportion of them had. From all 
the upper counties, even those on this side the Blue Hills, 
great numbers are daily following, and others preparing tc 
follow in the spring. Scarce do I know a neighborhood but 
has lost some families, and expects quickly to lose more. 
AVhat aggravates the misfortune, is, that many of these are 
not the idler and the vagrant, pests of society, whom it is ever 
salutary to a body politic to purge off", but the honest and in 
dustrious, men of worth and property, whom it is an evil at 
any time to a community to lose, but is most eminently so to 
our own in the present critical juncture. 

Now, sir, as many have thus quitted fertile lauds and 



LKITEKS OF JAMKS MAURY. 433 

comfortable habitations, left behind them theix* friends, rela- 
tions, and country, to all which they were attached by many 
powerful and endearing ties, we may conclude that weighty 
have been the reasons, at least these people have thought 
them such, which have already determined so many to act as 
these have done, and will determine others to follow their ex- 
ample. But, whether they be weighty in themselves or not, 
it is certain they are such as reduce the numbers of our inha- 
bitants very fast, to the great detriment and loss of the 
public. 

As I have had an opportunity of conversing with some of 
them upon the subject, and have thence discovered what con- 
siderations have influenced their conduct in this point, I shall 
take the liberty briefly and candidly to represent them to 
your Honor ; after which, you may judge whether they have 
any weight or not ; that, if they have, the gentlemen whose 
province it is to direct public affairs, may, if upon inquiry 
they find this information founded on truth, consider what 
will be the pi'operest remedies for a timely prevention of the 
further progress of this consumption in our political consti- 
tution. 

Although it be natural to suspect that the heavy taxes 
which the pressing exigencies of our country have rendered 
necessary, possibly may, and perhaps actually have, deter- 
mined some to remove, yet, I know none who have been pre- 
vailed on to do so, purely and simply from that consideration. 
But, sir, an unhappy concurrence of various sinister events 
and untoward circumstances, preventing the Colony from 
reaping advantages from the sums levied and expended, ade- 
quate to those sums, together with a suspicion and dread that 
their persons and possessions are not sufficiently insured 

ly 



4:34 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

against the cruelties and depredations of the savages, lia7« 
been the prevailing and principal inducements to these peo- 
ple, thus, to their own private, as well as to the public detri- 
ment and loss, to become voluntary exiles. 

Gentlemen in the administration may think, and I do be- 
lieve they do think, that abundant provision has been already 
made for their protection and defence, as well by the several 
companies of Rangers sent out in the fall, as by the present 
expedition against the Shawanese. Whether the former of 
these measures has answered all the good ends, which, I pre- 
sume, the Government had in view when it was resolved on, I 
undertake not to affirm or deny. And, whether the latter 
will, no man not endowed with the prophetic gift can foretell. 
However, I hope it will. 

But this is foreign to my purpose, which is to inform your 
Honor of the sentiments and reasonings of those people who 
are daily seeking new habitations out of this Government. 
And they, sir, notwithstanding those measures, and all others 
which have yet been pursued with the same views, look upon 
our frontiers to be in so insecure and defenceless a state as to 
justify their apprehensions that the same bloody tragedies 
which were acted at the expense of their neighbors last sum- 
mer, will, if they stay, be re-acted the ensuing at their own. 

If only fifty Indians, which they believe to be as many 
as were upon our borders in the south-west last year, made 
such havoc and desolation, drove off upwards of 2,000 head 
of cattle and horses to support themselves and the enemy 
at Fort Duquesne, besides what they wantonly destroyed; 
if so contemptible a band depopulated and ravaged so large a 
tract of country, they suspect, much greater numbers, animated 
And tempted by the extraordinary suceess of those few, will, 



LETTERS OF JAiEES MAURY. 43?: 

ere lung, iciiL'w the same hostilities, and consequently, much 
greater and more extensive mischief will ensue. And. certain 
it is, should that be attempted and no effectual methods pur- 
sued to defeat the attempt, many parts of this Colony, now 
several miles within the frontier, will shortly become frontier 
in their turn. '^<^ 

As to the expedition under the command of Major Lewis, 
they regard it as a mark of the government's concern for their 
particular security, and of its attention to the welfare of the 
community at large. But yet. the success of it being uncer- 
tain, they think it not prudent to risk all that is dear in life, 
nay, life itself, upon such an uncertainty. They steadfastly 
believe, because it has been confidently affirmed by persons 
whom they judge worthy of credit, that the Shawanese have 
long since received intelligence of the march and destination 
of that party of Cherokees who are now to act in concert with 
the forces of this Colony, that are under the command of 
Major Lewis. And, hence, it is concluded, they have time 
cither to augment tlieir strength sufficiently to face us in the 
field, or else to retreat beyond the reach uf our forces for 
awhile, in order, either when they shall be withdrawn thence, 
or even while they continue there in one body, to return on our 
back settlements by some one or other of those various passes 
through the Alleghany mountains, all whidi it will be utterly 
impossible for those forces in that united state to command or 
guard. And should this expedition, for these or any othe- 
reasons, succeed no better than some others have, what our re- 
mote inhabitants have heretofore suffered is judged but trifling, 
compared with what tliey would suffer in conseqiience of .so 
disastrous an event ; a dread of which, it is generally feared, 
would determine all the people beyond the Blue Kidge instant 



436 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

ly to abandon their habitations, and retreat to a place of greater 
security ; which they, as well as those who have already removed 
thither, expect to find in the western parts of the Carolinas, 
in the neighborhood and under the shelter of the Catawbas 
and Cherokees ; whither, it is supposed, the French Indians 
will, at present, scarce think proper to make any inroads ; for, 
sir, in the present state of our frontiers, ihey must be sensible, 
if they judge of the future from the past, that they may with 
less trouble and hazard, get both scalps and plunder in Vir- 
ginia, as valuable, nay, more valuable than they can well ex- 
pect in the neighborhood of those two nations, our friends, 
who are truly formidable to them, one for its martial and en- 
terprising genius, the other for its numbers. 

It is generally believed by the most prudent and discern- 
ing in this part of the country, that during the present trou- 
bles, nothing will put a stop to this prevailing humor of re- 
moving southerly, because nothing will convince the people 
they are safe, but a line of forts extended quite across the Co- 
lony, as a barrier against incursions of the barbarians ; and 
that this would, is quite probable, because a trifling fort on 
Jackson River, a little below the mouth of Carpenter's Creek, 
and another more trifling at the Drunkard's Bottom, on New 
River, have, notwithstanding surrounding dangers, kept their 
neighboring settlements tolerably well together, as yet. Sir, 
if this be the case, it is submitted to superior judgments to 
decide, whether or not it will be a prudent and necessary mea- 
sure to have a chain of forts thrown across the Colony with 
all convenient speed. 

Should such a scheme be resolved on, the following line 
might, perhaps, upon being viewed by proper persons, be 
found to be not altogether inconvenient to build them on, to 



LETl'ERS OF JAMES MAURY. 437 

wit : beginning near the head of Patterson's Creek on Poto- 
mac (for there is a fort already thirteen miles above its mouth), 
continued up the western branch of Woppocomo, and down 
Jackson River, and up Craig's Creek, crossing the Alleghany 
Mountains to the Horse Shoe Bottom on New River, thence 
up to the head of Reedy Creek, and extended down Holston, 
quite to the latitude of our southern boundary. Each of 
these forts might be built from other about thirty miles dis- 
tant, more or less, as the natural situation of the grounds, 
and some other requisite conveniences, would admit. Each, 
too, might be garrisoned by a company of about fifty men, ex- 
clusive of officers, part whites and part Indians. As the 
whole distance is somewhat upwards of 300 miles only, and 
some few forts are already erected on or near this line, ten or 
twelve at most, might be sufficient to serve our whole fron- 
tier, and six hundred men at most, Indians and whites toge- 
ther, to garrison the whole chain. 

Should it be further determined that no person bear any 
commission in these garrisons, except such as besides some 
little fortune and a good character, are expert woodsmen, it 
would still further insure the success of this matter. 

As his Honor, the Governor, cannot be so well acquainted 
with persons who may be best qualified to command these com- 
panies, as several gentlemen in the upper counties are, who 
are themselves experienced woodsmen, and personally know 
such as are most proper for such an office ; both on tliis and 
the other accounts just mentioned, would it be amiss should 
directions be given to the several courts of Augusta, Frede- 
rick, and Hanipsliire, Halifax. T.unonburg. Prince Edward 
and Bedford, Albemarle and Jiouisa. Orange, Culpepper, 
Prince William and Fairfax, each to roconmicnd tlireo or 



438 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

four persons, the best qualified in their respective counties for 
that business ; out of whom his Honor might make choice oi 
such as he should think fit? Perhaps, too, it might be 
thought necessary to appoint one general commander over all 
these garrisons, who, upon any emergency, by drafting a cer- 
tain quota from each, would be enabled more speedily and 
more efiectually to relieve any particular place in distress, as 
well as to harass and intercept any parties of the enemy, dar- 
ing enough to adventure within the line. Supposing these 
fortresses built each from other at the distances men- 
tioned above, the whole extent of country from north to soutli 
might be daily ranged and explored, and a constant communi- 
cation maintained between fort and fort ; for each garrison 
would bear dividing into six parties. Two might in regular 
rotation be constantly employed in scouring the woods ; one 
about fifteen miles to the northward, the other about as far to 
the southward of their own fort, while the remaining four con- 
tinued at home, both for their own refreshment and for the 
necessary guard and defence of their post. Each of the two 
dividends upon duty might be obliged to range from their 
own fort as above proposed to some distance, as nearly central 
as may be, between it and that towards which they respec- 
tively patrol. The scouting parties of these two forts might 
there meet each other in the evening, camp together that 
night for mutual security, and before setting out for their se- 
veral homes in the morning, make an appointment where the 
two next detachments from the two same garrisons to be next 
upon duty should meet and encamp on the evening of the 
succeeding day ; taking care, as frequently as may be, tc 
change their places of encampment, in order both to render 
the passage of the enemy by night or by day more precarious, 



LETTERS OF .TAMES MAURY. +,S9 

and more effectually to guard against a surprise in the night 
which might also be further guarded against were each party 
to have some few well-tutored and mettlesome dogs, the most 
vigilant of sentinels, whose antipathy against Indians is as 
strong as that of Indians against them. And by these par- 
ties thus frequently meeting, any intelligence might be easily 
transmitted from one extremity of this line to the other, or 
from any of the intermediate stations to either extremity, 
without any extraordinary trouble or expense. As all these 
garrisons might be under the same regulations, and detach- 
ments from each be daily ranging in the manner above-men- 
tioned, the country thereabouts would be thoroughly searched 
and guarded, and yet the soldiers, through this alternate vi- 
cissitude of exercise and repose, not obliged to undergo any 
immoderate fatigue ; for two-thirds of their time would be 
spent at their fort, and only one-third upon duty out of doors. 
Now, sir, do not you think it highly probable that a scheme 
of this sort judiciously planned and faithfully executed, of which 
this may be considered only as an imperfect sketch, would 
render it extremely hazardous for the enemy, notwithstand- 
ing their celebrated activity and expertness in the woods, 
and the ruggedness and unevenness of those grounds, to make 
any inroads upon us with success ? The diligence and activity 
that may be expected in officers thus cautiously chosen, and 
the garrisons under their command, having a proper intermix- 
ture of Indians no loss subtle tlian the enemy, as bold, and 
equally well versed in all the barbarian arts and stratagems 
of war, would be much more formidable to those brutal rava- 
gers, and embarrass them much more than many thousands of 
the best disciplined troops, and would either keep them at 
due distance, or, should they adventure within the barrier, sc- 



440 MEMOIKS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

verely chastise their insolence and temerity. Such a measure, 
too, besides aflfording the people in these quarters greater se- 
curity than they have ever yet had, it is supposed will be less 
expensive to the Government than any other that seems to 
promise equal success. Good judges of work are of opinion 
that each of these forts, together with its necessary buildings, 
will not cost more than between £40 and £50, provided the 
several companies be obliged to assist the undertaker in fell- 
ing, hewing, sawing, and conveying into place the timber, in 
digging the trenches for the stockades, and in other services 
of that nature ; and provided forts, built after the model, in 
the manner, and of the dimensions of that of which you here- 
with receive a plan, be judged sufficient to answer the end. 
Men, too, may be had to garrison them with very little boun- 
ty ; many, perhaps, without any, provided the Government 
would give them an assurance that they should not be obliged 
to enter into any other service. When enlisted, they would 
be less apt to desert than men are from corps of a different 
denomination, and destined for services of a different nature. 
Moreover, the Indians in these garrisons will certainly re 
quire less costly clothing, and perhaps be satisfied with lower 
wages than soldiers are commonly allowed. The white men, 
too, would be clothed as cheaply, perhaps more so, than sol- 
diers regularly regimented. Several officers thought neces- 
sary in corps of this latter denomination, would here be need- 
less ; such as colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, adjutant, 
quarter-master, pay -master, commissary, and perhaps some 
others. If I am not mistaken in the pay these several officers 
receive in the Virginia Regiment, which, according to my cal- 
culation amounts to £177 lOs. per month, the six hundred 
men in these forts will be cheaper to the Colony by £2,130 



LETTEKS OF JAMES MAUKY. 441 

per annum than the same number regimented, out of which, 
however, is to be deducted the pay of an officer to command 
the whole, which, rated at twenty shillings per day, a very 
bountiful and genteel allowance, leaves an annual clear saving 
to the Colony of £1,765. 

As some of these forts will be convenient to the back in- 
habitants, the garrisons may be fed at much less expense than 
the Colony's troops at Cumberland can be, because the heavy 
charges of a long land carriage will be saved, savings which 
well merit the attention of a government, most especially when 
its treasury is well-nigh exhausted, and its subjects so little 
able to replenish it as our countrymen at present confessedly 
are. 

But there is another very considerable expense which I 
had like to have forgotten, which this method of guarding our 
frontiers will render needless, and which therefore may be 
saved ; for draughting the militia will probably hence be ren- 
dered unnecessary, which has frequently been done last year, 
and for aught that is known to the contrary, the Government 
may be necessitated to do the same the ensuing. And, should 
only six hundred of them be employed in defence of our fron- 
tiers, and stationed there only for one campaign, on the pay 
established by Act of Assembly, it would be such an addition 
to that load of debt and taxes under which the country at 
present labors, as, together with its unhappy circumstances in 
some other respects, must infallibly sink it beyond a possi- 
bility of emerging through a course of many years, how favor- 
able a turn soever its present situation of afi'airs may take. 

Such a chain of fortresses would also bring back the fugi- 
tives to their deserted plantations, would encourage others to 
prosecute anew their former schemes of seating the back lauds 
19* 



442 MEMOERS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

which these unhappy contests between the courts of London 
and Versailles have deterred them from executing, and would 
invite new settlers thither from several of the neighboring 
colonies, as well as from the crowded and interior parts of our 
own ; hence, a considerable increase of people, which has ever 
been thought an augmentation of wealth and power. Indus- 
try, too, would revive, which in the remoter parts of the Col- 
ony, has for some time past been in a stagnant state, occa- 
sioned by the husbandman's uncertainty whether the returns 
of his labor were to support the enemies of his country or his 
own family. The people would cease to remove, as they 
would believe the Government had fallen upon the [The 
remainder of this letter lost.] 



Letter from John Fontaine to Rev. James Maury. 

Jan. 2d, 1764. 

Dear Nephew Maury : — The last letter we received from 
you was dated the 18th June, 1760, which was very accepta- 
ble to us, the which we answered the 24th Jan. 1761, and have 
received no letter from you since. Our great desire to hear 
from you will not permit us to be any longer silent, as the 
peace is now concluded so much to our advantage, and more 
especially so to all those who possess estates in North America, 
and that the French and Spaniards have ceded to us and put 
us in actual and quiet possession of more territory than the 
most sanguine could have expected, and that you are now sole 
lords of North America, bounded on the north by the north 
pole, on the south by the Gulf of Florida, and the west by the 
great river Mississippi. Nothing more can, we think, be 
wished for as to extent of territory, but to be thankful for 



LETTER FKOM .loll.N FONTAINE. 443 

this great cnlargeincnt. ami the great deliverance from oui 
powerful enemies the French and Spaniards, and from popery 
and idolatry, which in our opinion is as great, if not a greater 
blessing than any. or indeed all the others put together. 

Now, thanks be to our great God for it. He may and will 
be worshipped without a rival from the north pole to the Gulf 
of Florida. It is impossible for you and me. without his espe- 
cial assistance, to be sufficiently thankful for so many favors 
conferred on us and our posterity. A land flowing with milk 
and honey to injiabit. the pure and unadulterated doctrine 
brought down from heaven by tiur blessed Savi(jur and Re- 
deemer to lead us to eternal life ; these are blessings so com- 
plete that no more can be added to them. 

The poor natural inhabitants still remain as thorns in your 
sides, lest you and we should forget the past deliverances. 
We pray to God to open their understandings, and make them 
one flock with us, obedient to the same God and Saviour. 
Whilst those Indians continue uninstructed in the principles 
of Christ's true religion, they will be cruel and treacherous. 
We are greatly concerned to hear of the horrible cruelties 
committed by those infidels upon your out settlers. We hope 
you will soon put a stop to their proceedings, and by a supe- 
rior force bring them to reason, and convince them of the folly 
of such undertakings. 

I received the Timothy grass you were so kind as to send 
me. I sowed some in my garden, and it grew well. I tried 
in the field, and the grass killed it. It would grow well in 
well cultivated lands if well weeded, and I think would pro- 
duce a great crop; but I am too old and too feeble to under- 
take any thing, aiMl I am often confiuiMJ witli tln> gout. 

Your jift'i'i'tiiiiKite uncle. 

.lollN FoNTAI.NK 



444 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

Letter from Colonel William Fontaine^ after the Sfu.r- 
render at York. 

EiOHMOND, Oct. 2Uh, 1781. 

Dear Sir : — Major Penn gives me an opportunity, the first 
I have met with since the glorious event, of congratulating 
you on the surrender of York, which I do with all imaginable 
cordiality. I had the happiness to see that British army, 
which so lately spread dismay and desolation through all our 
country, march forth on the 20th instant at three o'clock, 
through our whole army drawn up in two lines at about 
twenty yards distance, and return disrobed of all their terrors, 
so humbled and so struck at the appearance of our troops that 
their knees seemed to tremble, and you could not see a pla- 
toon that marched in any order. Such a noble figure did our 
army make, that I scarce know which drew my attention 
most. You could not have heard a whisper or seen the least 
motion throughout our whole line, but evei-y countenance was 
erect, and expressed a serene cheerfulness. Cornwallis pre- 
tended to be ill, and imposed the mortifying duty of leading 
forth the captives on General O'Hara. Their own officers ac- 
knowledge them to be the flower of the British troops, yet I 
do not think they at all exceeded in appearance our own or the 
French. The latter, you may be assured, are very difi"erent 
from the ideas formerly inculcated in us, of a people living on 
frogs and coarse vegetables. Finer troops I never saw. 

His Lordship's defence, I think, was rather feeble. His 
surrender was eight or ten days sooner than the most sanguine 
expected, though his force and resources were much greater 
than we conceived. He had at least a fortnight's provisions, 
and 1000 barrels of powder left, beside a magazine, that it is 



LETTER FROM COL. ^V. FONTAIKE. 445 

supposed was blown up with design during the negotiation for 
the surrender. The whole of the prisoners of war amount to 
6,800. exclusive of sailors and marines, which, with the ship 
ping, belong to the French, and the refugees, merchants and 
followers of the army. The shipping of every sort is about 
seventy sail, though a great many are sunk. Of brass ord- 
nance we have taken eighty odd ; of iron, 120 ; muskets, 7,313 
fit for use, beside a great number in unopened boxes, and of 
odd arms ; of horse, about 300 accoutred ; there must be more 
horse accoutrements, but I have not seen a particular return 
from Gloucester, where the horse lay. The military chest 
amounts to only 800 guineas. Merchants' stores are subject 
to the pre-emption of our army at a reasonable price for such 
articles as suit them, the remainder they are allowed three 
months to effect the sale of, then are to give their parole and 
clear out. Tories are subject to be tried by our laws. The 
20th of next month is appointed for that purpose. A small 
proportion of officers are to remain with the prisoners, the rest 
are to be paroled to New-York. A flag-ship is allowed Coru- 
wallis to cari'y him to New-York ; thence, I believe, he goes 
home. His flag-ship is not to be searched. The officers re- 
tain their side-arms and baggage, and the soldiers their knap- 
sacks. They marched' out with drums muffled, and colors 
furled and crossed. All property taken from inhabitants by 
the British is liable to be claimed by them. In consequence. 
Master Tarleton met with a most severe mortification the day 
before yesterday. The hero was prancing through the streets 
of York on a very fine, elegant horse, and was met by a spi- 
rited young fellow of the country, who stopped him, challenged 
the horse, and ordered him instantly to dismount. Tarleton 
halted and paused awhile through confusion, then told the lad 



446 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

if it was Lis horse, he supposed he must be giveu up, but in- 
sisted to ride hiui some distance out of town to dine with a 
French officer. This was more, however, than Mr. Giles was 
disposed to indulge him in, having been forced, when he and 
his horse were taken, to travel good part of a night on foot at 
the point of the bayonet ; he therefore refused to trust him out 
of sight, and made him dismount in the midst of the street 
crowded with spectators Many such instances have since 
happened on the road. The people who have been insulted, 
abused, nay, ruined by them, give them no quarter. I have 
not seen the articles of capitulation, but have given you the 
substance as well as I can recollect from such as have read 
them. 

We are surely to have a garrison at York ; whether French 
or American was not known when I left York, the day before 
yesterday. Some troops are to go to the southward. It is 
supposed the French fleet and most of their troops will go to 
the West Indies, though all is conjecture, and will probably 
remain so to all but the Count de Grasse and Gen. Washing 
ton. The General had been aboard the Admiral for some 
days past as I came away ; something of consequence, I sus 
pect, was projecting between them. The troops at Ports- 
mouth are levelling to prevent the British taking post there. 
Nothing certain of a British fleet. They have lost, 'tis said, 
Bengal and Madras in the East Indies, by the powerful exer- 
tions of Ilyder Ali in favor of the French. 

Cornwallis, I am well assured, previous to his surrender 
acknowledged to the Secretary, that the capture of his army 
would put an end to the war. The same sentiment was ex- 
pressed to me by two of his officers, and, I learn from an in- 
telligent inhabitant of York, generally prevailed among them. 



LKTTEE FEOM COL. W. FONTAINE. 447 

That General Lesly, with all the crew, perished in the 
passage from Wilmington to Charles Town in the Blonde 
Frigate in ore est omnium. 

I certainly embark for Europe the soonest a passage can 
be had, perhaps three or four weeks hence, though I believe 
I shall be forced to take the West Indies in the way, and 
probably may winter there. My love to my good sisters and 
families. My best respects to Mr. Armistead, and all my re- 
lations and friends in your country. Farewell ! farewell • 
the good Doctor, Parson Cole, and all. 

I have commissioned a gentleman to get Mr. Holmes a 
hat from York. Mrs. Walker has recovered her two negroes, 
and my mother her one. The French fleet and all our troops 
were under sailing and marching orders. If Major Halston 
is with you, let him know Mr. Burrows, from his State, has his 
servant that he wrote about. 

I enclose two yards of ribbon for my sister Sarah, and two 
for sister Mary, or in her absence, little Bess — trophies from 
York. Had the stores been opened, I would have dealt more 
largely, though they are strictly guarded, and general orders 
against any thing being sold till the army is supplied. All 
health and happiness to you and yours, and all with you. 
Your affectionate friend and servant, 

W. Fontaine. 



448 MEMOIRS OF A HU&UiAOT FAMILY. 



CONCLUSION. 



I have been at considerable pains to ascertain the present 
condition of the descendants of the sons and daughter of 
James Fontaine, who settled in Virginia ; and the result of 
my inquiry is, that, in regard to temporal circumstances, they 
are chiefly in the condition so touchingly prayed for by Agur, 
when he says : — " Give me neither poverty nor riches ; feed 
me with food convenient for me : lest I be full and deny thee, 
and say. Who is the Lord ? or lest I be poor and steal, and 
take the name of my God in vain." I find scarcely any of the 
family who are not earning a comfortable subsistence for 
themselves and those who depend upon them, and at the same 
time there are very few who can be called actually wealthy. 

I am the more disposed to dwell upon this fact, from ob- 
serving the very different condition of the descendants of 
another Huguenot refugee, who, like our ancestor, left a writ- 
ten memoir for the use of his children. From this record I 
learn that he had been a notary, and had been deprived of his 
employment on account of his being of the Reformed religion. 
He was a husband and a father. During the persecution 
which preceded the actual revocation of the Edict of Nantes 
the dragoons visited his house, and behaved with their usual 



CONCLUSION.. 449 

brutality and insolence They sent him away soon after their 
arrival, to procure for them, from the neighbouring village, 
some delicacies with which to pamper their appetites. While 
on the road, he was intimidated by hearing of the cruelty 
with which the dragoons had said they would treat him on 
Ills return home ; and his informant, a kind neighbor, per- 
suaded him to conceal himself in his house. 

I think, that, whatever might have been his anticipations 
of suffering, it was most unmanly to desert his wife, and leave 
her alone with the dragoons, particularly from her state at 
the time, being in bed with an infant only three days old. 
As might have been expected, the dragoons vented all their 
malice upon the poor woman. When they found that her 
husband did not return, they dragged her out of bed, and 
threatened to roast her alive : they took it in turns to hold 
her close to a fire, which was so hot that each one could only 
bear to hold her for a short time. Death must soon have fol- 
lowed if she had not been rescued by the timely intervention 
of the village Cure, who accidentally heard what was going on, 
and persuaded them to desist, promising that he would make 
her recant. This was in the year 1681. 

He went through various trials and vicissitudes during 
the four years following. His wife died, and her young in- 
fant also, and he was hunted from place to place ; and at last 
in 1685, the memorable year of the Revocation of the Edict of 
Nantes, he proceeded to Rochelle, for the purpose of embark- 
ing f )r England. He was arrested and imprisoned there, and 
after much threatening, insult and abuse, he was induced to 
sign an act of abjuration. He was liberated immediately, but 
was more miserable than ever, full of remorse for the act he 
had committed when under the influence of fear. He still 



4:50 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

hoped to escape from France, but it was more difficult to ac 
complish now that he had publicly abjured the Protestant 
faith. In the course of two or three years, however, he suc- 
ceeded in getting away, but he left behind him a daughter, 
eighteen years of age, for the sole purpose of trying to collect 
and turn into money, their few scattered resources, to bring 
after him to England. She was able to accomplish this end, 
and to join him in about a year : which I think was more 
than he had a right to expect ; but we shall see that his 
family were not much enriched eventually. 

Observe ; the memoir he wrote for his children has been 
preserved and published ; but how ? His descendants o^uld 
not read the manuscript, for it was in the French language, 
and they, like ourselves, had become blended with another 
nation. English was with them, as with us, the mother 
tongue, and they could read no other, for they were unedu- 
cated. The manuscript might have lain till now upon the 
shelf of a miserable lodging-house in the heart of Lf>ndon, 
had it not been brought to light by accident. The owners 
of it were in poverty, and applied for relief to a benevolent 
Society, and one of the visitors, upon his charitable errand to 
them, became acquainted with the existence of the manu- 
script. He took it home to peruse, and undertook to have 
it translated and printed, to be sold for the benefit of the 
writer's descendants. 

Now we come to the practical lesson which I draw from 
contrasting the different condition of the descendants of these 
two Huguenot refugees, and I desire to impress it upon our 
minds, with the view of inducing us to aim at obtaining the 
strong faith of our ancestor. 

He believed that God would take care of him and his, if 



CONCLUSION, 451 

he trusted in him ; he knew his promise, and that if he left 
house or parents, or brethren, or wife or children, for the 
kingdom of God's sake, he should receive manifold more in 
this present time, and in the world to come life everlasting. 
He therefore left all his worldly substance behind him, and 
fled to a land where he could worship God according to the dic- 
tates of his conscience. He waited not to sell houses and lands^ 
and collect money for his support in a foreign country. He 
firmly believed the promises of God, he saw distinctly the path 
pointed out by duty to Him, he hesitated not, but followed on. 

We know that he experienced many privations and hard- 
ships, but in the end he was able to maintain his family, and 
to give good educations to his children. His descendanta 
have generally been able to do the same. 

His manuscript record of his interesting and instructive 
life, instead of being a dead letter to his descendants like the 
one named above, has been perused and valued by each suc- 
cessive generation, as it has been handed down from father to 
son, as a precious and sacred inheritance. 

In the other narrative we cannot but observe weakness of 
faith throughout. In his unmanly desertion of his wife, we 
first notice it, then in his signing the act of abjuration, and 
lastly in leaving his daughter in France to collect money for 
the support of the family. 

My own mind is forcibly impressed with the conviction 
that we have reason to hope for the especial blessing which 
God has promised to the seed of the righteous. May we all 
strive to obtain the faith of our forefathers, and so to walk as 
not to prove degenerate scions from a worthy stock. 



APPENDIX 



THE KING'S EDICT. 

{^iven at Nantes^ April, 1598, and published in Parliament, 15 

February, 1599. 

Henry, by the Grace of God, King of France and Navarre. 
To all that are and shall be, greeting : 

The most signal and remarkable mercy, among the infinite ones 
which it has pleased God to vouchsafe to us, is tlie having given 
us virtue and firmness sufficient to y)revent our granting any thing 
under the influence of the dreadful trouble, discord and confusion 
which prevailed at the period of our accession to the throne. The 
kingdom was divided into many parts and factions, so many that 
the orderly portion was, ]ierhaps, one of the smallest. We have 
been supported so as to withstand this great storm, we have over- 
come it, and now at last have reached the haven of safety and re- 
pose. Wherefore, to God's holy name be all the glory, and to us 
thankfulness of heart, in tliat he has been pleased to make use of 
our efforts, as his instrument for accomplishing the good work. It 
is plainly to be seen, that in view of so desirable an end, we have 
gone beyond what duty recjuired of us, and have exposed ourselves 
with a triodoin that at another time would scarcely have been con- 
sistent with the dignity of our ])ositi()n. 

In the conflicting claims for ])i'e-eminenee am<mgst the various 
im]K)rtant and perilous art'airs which pressed upon us, and which 
could not all receive attention at once, we resolved U]K>n the follow- 
ing course. In the first place to deal with such as required to be 



454 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

settled by main force, deluYiiig for a while such as could be regu- 
lated by principles of reason and justice; as, for example, the 
general differences amongst our good subjects, and some particular 
hardships, complained of by the more healthy portions of the State, 
which we believe may be the more effectually relieved by our having 
first put an end to the civil war, which -was one chief cause. 

By the grace of God, we have happily so far succeeded that 
hostilities have ceased throughout the kingdom. We hope for equal 
success in composing those differences that yet remain to be adjust- 
ed, and then will be accomplished the great object of our prayers, 
and we shall be rewarded for all our labors, by once more behold- 
ing peace and tranquillity within our borders. Amongst the most 
important of said affairs, the consideration of which we were obliged 
to postpone, were the complaints of various Catholic towns and 
provinces that the Catholic Religion had not been universally re-es- 
tablished, in conformity with the Edicts formerly passed for the pa- 
cification of religious troubles ; also, the petitions and remonstrances 
of our subjects of the pretended Reformed Religion, complaining of 
the non-performance of what had been ])romised to them by the 
said Edicts, and begging for further enactments to secure to them 
that liberty of conscience, personal safety and security of property 
which the late disturbances have made them believe to be in jeop- 
ardy, giving them reason to fear that plans were laid for their ruin. 
We have put off from time to time the providing a remedy for these 
grievances, partly, because we would avoid the burden of too much 
business at once, and partly because the enactment of laws, be they 
ever so desirable in themselves, can scarcely be compatible with the 
din of arms. But, it having now pleased God to grant us the en- 
joyment of more tranquillity, we think we can make no better use 
of it than in giving our attention to that which concerns the glory 
of His Holy Name and service, and endeavoring to provide for the 
religious worship of all our subjects, who, if they cannot yet join 
in one form, we may at least hope, are actuated by one and the 
same purpose, and therefore that by wise regulations all tumult and 
strife may be put an end to, and that w^e and this kingdom may for- 
ever continue to deserve the glorious title of "Most Cln-istian," that 
title which was originally acquired by great merit and has been so 
long possessed. We hope to be able so to regulate matters that 
future trouble shall be avoided, on that subject which is of all others 
the most delicate and searching, the subject of religion. 



EDICT OF NANTES, 455 

Being fully sensible of the great importance of this subject, and 
the necessity of bestowing deep consideration upon it, we have care- 
fully looked over the folios of complaints from our Catholic sub- 
jects, and we have permitted our subjects of the aforesaid pretend- 
ed Eeformed Religion to assemble by deputy to prepare their list 
of grievances. "We have conferred with both parties various times, 
and carefully examined all former Edicts, and now we have coti- 
cluded that one general, clear, plain and absolute law must be en- 
acted, for the government of all our subjects, and by which they 
shall be regulated in the settlement of all differences which have 
already arisen, or which may in future arise. With this, all must rest 
satisfied, as the best that the state of the times allows, we having, in 
our deliberations, had no other end in view than zeal for the service 
of God and a desire to see it manifested by our said subjects, amongst 
whom we hope to establish a firm and durable peace. We implore 
and look for the same blessing upon this, our effort, from the mercy 
of God that he has heretofore showered upon this kingdom from 
its earliest foundation to this day. We entreat him to send his grace 
upon our subjects, and to make them understand that in the observ- 
ing of this our Ordinance, is laid the great foundation (after their 
duty to God and one another) of their union aud tranquillity and 
the best prospect of a restoration of this State to its former splen- 
dor, opulence and strength. On our part, we promise to have it 
rigidly enforced, without any infringement. 

Accordingly, with the advice and assistance of the Princes of 
the Blood, the Princes and Otficers of the Crown, and other great 
and important personages of our Council of State, we have duly 
weighed and considered all this matter ; and we have, by this perpet- 
ual and irrevocable Edict, said, declared and ordered, and we do 
say, declare and order, 

1st. — That the memory of the past, on both sides, from the be- 
ginning of March, 1585, to the date of our accession to the throne, 
shall be buried in ol)livion ; and it shall be unlawful for our Attor- 
ney General, or any other person, public or private, at any time, 
or for any purpose whatsoever, to make mention of the former 
troubles in any process or law suit, in any Court or Jurisdiction 
whatever. 

2d. — We forbid all our subjects, whatever may be their rank or 
condition, to revive the recollection of the past, or to attack, resent, 
mjure or provoke by reproaches, uikKt any pretext whatever; and 



456 MEMOIKS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

they must not dispute, quarrel, outrage or offend one another, bj 
word or deed, but must restrain themselves, and live in [jeace as 
brothers, friends and fellow citizens, ujjon penalty to the disobedient 
of being punished as disturbers of the peace. 

Sd. — We command that in all places of this our Kingdom and 
country of our obedience, where the exercise of the Apostolic Ro- 
man Catholic religion has been interrupted, it shall be re-established, 
to be there freely exercised without trouble or hindrance. We for- 
bid expressly, all persons, of whatsoever rank, degree or condition, 
upon the above named penalty, to molest or disturb the clergymen 
in the celebration of Divine Service, the enjoyment and collection 
of tithes, first fruits and revenues from their benefices, or any other 
rights and duties appertaining thereto. All persons, who, during 
the troubles, became possessed of cluiiches, houses, property and 
revenues belonging to the said clergymen, and who retain and oc- 
cupy them, shall give uj) the same to the clergy, with the entire 
possession and peaceal)le enjoyment of all rights, privileges and se- 
curities which they had before they were seized upon. It is ex- 
pressly forliidden, to those of said pretended Reformed I'eligion, to 
preach or jjerform any service according to said religion in the 
churches, houses, or places of abode of said clergymen. 

■ith. — It shall be optional with the said clergymen to buy the 
houses and buildings erected upon unconsecrated ground occupied 
by them before the troubles, or to oblige the present possessor of 
the buildings to buy the ground ; in either case the ]n-operty to be 
valued by skilful persons, whom the parties shall agree to appoint. 
In default thereof, provision shall be made by the Judges of the 
places, reserving to the occupant a right of appeal. And wherever 
the said clergy shall constrain the occupant to purchase the ground, 
the estimated value shall not be paid to the former, but shall re- 
main in the hands of the occupant, he being required to pay inter- 
est upon it at the rate of 5 per cent., until it shall be applied to the 
use of the church, which will be done at the expiration of one year. 
And when said time shall have expired, and the purchaser is un- 
willing to continue said rent, he shall be discharged therefrom, upon 
depositing the purchase money in the hands of a solvent person, 
authorized by the justice to receive it. Commissioners appointed 
without fail by us to see to the execution of the present Edict, shall 
give information as to the sacred places. 

5th. — Notwithstanding, the ground, places and materials used 



EDICT OF NANTES. 457 

for repairing ;ind lortifying tlie cities and places of our kingdom 
f*hall not be sold by the clergy or otlier individuals public or private, 
until the said fortitications shall be demolished by our Decree. 

iith. — And in order to leave no opening for discord and divisions 
amongst our subjects, we have permitted and do permit those of 
the pretended Reformed religion to live and remain in all cities and 
j)laces within this our kingdom and country of our obedience with- 
out being disturbed, vexed, molested or forced to do any thing 
against their conscience on the subject of religion, neither can their 
houses or places of abode be searched on that score ; provided that 
in all things they conform to what is contained in our present Edict. 

7th. — -We have also permitted all lords, nobles, and other per- 
sons, as well natives and others, jjrofessiug the pretended reformed 
religion, in this our kingdom, having *" Haute Justice,'' or "pleint 
fief de Haubert," as in Normandy, whether in full ownership or 
merely usufruct, the whole, one-half, or the third, to have the exer- 
cise of the said religion in such of the houses of the said "Haute 
Justice " t)r tiefs as they shall name as the principal domicile, in the 
jtresence of our Bailifis and Seneschals, each in his district ; and in 
*lie absence of the heads of the family, their wives and families, and 
parts of them, may have religious exercises. Though the right of 
" Justice " or " tief de Haubert " be disputed, yet the exercise of 
the said religion shall be allowed, provided that the above men- 
tioned be in actual possession of the said " Haute Justice," even if 
our Attorney General be oj)posed. AVe permit also said religious 
exercises in their other houses of " Haute Justice " or " fief de 
Haubert " when themselves are present, but not otherwise. Such 
services may be not only for their own benefit, but their families, 
subjects, and all wbo shall wish to attend. 

8th. — In the houses of the tiefs, where those of tiie said religion 
shall not have the said " Haute Justice" or "fief de Haubert," they 
may have religious exercises for their own families only, neverthe- 
less, if other persons should be present, not exi'ceding thirty in num- 
ber, on Raptismal occasions, friendly visits, or by invitation, tliey 
may attend said worshii) ; provided always tliat said tiefs are not 

* Haute Jusiticc. Tlie jurisdiction of iiiHuorial courts wIiito ttic judge takes cogni- 
zance of both civil and criminal suits not afl'ectinir the Crown. 

t Fief dc Ilanliert. A tenure by Ivnifjlit's service whose owner was bound to serve 
«n horseback in complete armor. This tenure existed longer in Normandy, tlian any 
other part of France. 

20 



458 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

within Cities, Towns, or Villages, belonging to Catholic Noblemen, 
and where they have houses. In the latter case, the permission 
of said Noblemen must be given before religious worship can be 
had. 

^th. — We also permit those of the said religion to continue the 
exercise of it in all cities and places under our government, "where 
it was established and ])ublicly practised at different times in the 
year 1596, and before the end of August 1597, notwithstanding any 
decrees or decisions to the contrary. 

\Oth. — The said exercise shall likewise be established and re- 
stored in all cities and places wliere it was established, or had the 
right to be so, by the Edict of Pacification, passed in the year 1577, 
or by the secret articles and conferences of Nerac and Fleix, with- 
out the said establishment being prevented in places of the domain 
given in the said Edict, though they may since have been made 
over to Catholic persons. Let it then be understood that the said 
exercise may be always re-established in places of the said domain 
which have formerly been in the possession of those who professed 
the pretended Reformed Religion, in which it would have been 
placed in consideration of their persons, or because of their feudal 
rights, even if the said fiefs should now be i)Ossessed by persons ol 
the said Apostolical Roman Catholic Religion. 

nth. — Moreover, in each of the ancient Bailiwicks, Seneschal's 
jurisdictions, and governments taking the place of Bailiwicks and 
having jurisdiction indei)endent of the Courts of Parliament, we or- 
dain that in the faubourgs of a city besides those which have beeo 
granted to them by the said Edict, Articles, and Conferences, and 
where there are no cities, the exercise of the said religion may be 
publicly j)erformed in any town or village, by all those who wish ; 
though in the said Bailiwicks, Seneschal's jurisdictions and govern- 
ments, there may be several places where the said exercise is now 
establisiied, saving and excepting the towns in which there is an 
Archbishopric or Bishopric newly granted by present Edict ; with- 
out for that reason depriving those of said pretended Reformed 
Religion of the privilege of demanding and naming as places for the 
said exercise, small towns and villages near to the said cities ; ex- 
cept also the places and manors belonging to the Clergy, where we 
only mean that the said second ])lace in the Bailiwick may be 
established, having them by special favor excepted and reserved. 
It is our intention, undei' the name of ancient Bailiwicks to desig- 



EDICT OF NANTES 459 

nate those wliicli, in the time of the kite King Henry, our much 
lionored Lord and Father-in-Law, existed as Bailiwicks, Senescha'a 
•urisdictions and independent governments. 

Vlth. — We do not mean by the present Edict to take any thin^ 
trom the Edicts and Agreements heretofore made for the reduction 
to submission of any Princes, Lords, Jfobles, or Catliolic Townf 
within our jurisdictioii, in what concerns the exercise of said reli- 
gion, which Edicts and Agreements shall be kept and observed. In- 
structions to that eti'ect will be given to the Commissioners who 
shall be appointed to execute the present Edict. 

\Zth. — We expressly forbid any of the said religion having any 
religious exercise whatever, either ministerial, or for discipline or 
public instruction of children and others in this our kingdom ; 
except in those places permitted and granted by the present Edict. 

I'^th. — As also ha:ving any exercises of said religion within our 
Court and Suite, nor likewise in our lands and territories beyond 
the Alps, nor in our city of Paris, neither within five leagues of the 
said city : nevertheless, those of the said religion living in the said 
country, beyond the Alps, and in our said city, and within five 
leagues around it, shall not be subject to espionage in their houses, 
nor compelled to do any thing on account of their religion against 
their consciences, if they in all things act in conformity with the 
provisions of the present Edict. 

Ibth. — The public exercise of the said religion cannot be per- 
mitted in the army, except at the Quarters of those Generals who 
profess it, always excepting that occupied by our own person. 

16iA.— In conformity with the second article of the Conference 
of Nerac, we allow those of the aforesaid religion to build places 
for the exercise of the aforesaid, in the towns and places where it 
is allowed. Those places built by them formerly or the foundations 
of them, will be restored in their present condition, even in those 
places where said exercise is not allowed, if they have not been 
converted into other kinds of edifices. In which case, the present 
possessors of the said edifices shall give property equal to tlie former 
value, in the estimation thereof by skilful appraisers ; reserving to 
the said proprietors and possessors the right of appeal. 

17^A. — We forbid all Preachers, Readers, and others who speak 
in public, using any words or discourse tending to excite sedition 
among the people, l)ut on the contrary we enjoin upon them the 
practice of forbearance and meekness, saying nothing but what 



4G0 MEMOIRS OF A IlUGUKNoT I'A>[II.V. 

is for the instruction and edification of tlieir hoai'ers, and suited tc 
the maintenance of tluit [leace and tranquillity which we have es- 
tablished in our said kingdom, under penalties prescribed in former 
Edicts. We ex])ressly enjoin our Attorneys General and their sub- 
stitutes to give official information against those who violate it, 
under tlie jjenalty of being answcral'lc for the same in their owr. 
names and persons, and being ejected from office. 

18^/^.— We also forbid all oin- subjects, of wluitsoever rank or 
condition, carrying olf children by force, or i)ersuasion, against the 
^ will of their parents of the said religion, in order to have them 

f'i ?-f^^ baptized or confirmed in the Apostolical Roman Catholic Church: 
the same prohibition extends to those of the said pretended Reform- 
ed religion, all being subject to exemplary punishment for such 
oftences. 

I9tfi. — Those of the said ])reteu(led Iteformed I'cligion shall not 
remain bound by any abjuration, jiromise or oatli which they may 
formerly have made, or any security given by tliem about matters 
concerning the said religion ; and they shall be free from all dis- 
turbances or molestation on that account. 

20th. — They shall be obliged also to observe all the appointed 
Festivals of the Apostolical Roman Catholic Church, and tliey may 
not on those days labor, sell, nor display in opeu shops their goods, 
and upon Festivals and other forbidden days, no artisan may work 
either out of his shop or witliin closed doors, at any trade the noise 
of which may be heard by passers by or neighbours. Nevertheless 
search shall not be made but by the officers of Justice. 

2lst. — Books relating to said pretended Reformed religion may 
only be publicly printed and sold in those cities and places where 
the public exercise of the said religion is ])ermitted. And for the 
other books, which shall be printed in other towns, they shall be 
seen and inspected, as well by our officers as by Theologians, in the 
manner decreed by our Ordinances. The printing, publishing or 
selling any books or writings of an abusive, scandalous nature is 
forbidden under the penalties contained in our Ordinances. We 
enjoin it upon all our Judges and officers to attend to this. 

22d. — We command that no difference or distinction shall be 
male on account of said religion in receiving pupils to be instructed 
in the Universities, Colleges and schools; or receiving the sick and 
poor into Hospitals, Infirmaries and Alms-houses. 

23J. — Those of said pretended Reformed Religion, shall be 



EDICT OF NANTES. 4t>3 

obliged to obey the laws of the Apostolical liuinan Catholic Church, 
received in this kingdom, with respect to the Consanguinity and 
Relationshij) of parties making marriage contracts. 

24</t. — Likewise, those of the said religion shall pay all cTistom- 
ary dues for the offices and employments conferred upon them, 
without being obliged to take part in any ceremony contrary to 
their said religion : and being called upon to take an oath they shall 
not be required to do more than hold \\]> the hand, swear, and 
])romise before God to speak the truth : shall not be obliged also to 
take a dispensation from the oath given by them, in making con- 
tracts and agreements. 

25th. — We desire and command that all of the said pretended 
Reformed Religion, and others who have joined their party, of 
whateoever rank or condition, shall be obliged and comjtelled in 
all proper and reasonable ways, and under the penalties contained 
in this edict, to pay tithes to the pastors and other clergy, and to 
all others entitled to them according to established usage. 

2%th. — Disinheriting or depriving of proi)erty, whether during 
life, or by will, solely from hatred or religious animosity, shall be 
null and void, for the past as well as the future. C>- 

27th. — In order the better to i)romote that union which we wish 
to see prevail amongst our subjects, and tn take away all cause of 
complaint, we declare that all those who liave made or shall make 
j)rofession of the pretended Reformed Religion shall be eligible for 
all public offices or employments, whether Royal, Manorial, or 
Civic, in all parts of our dominions, and shall be iuipartially ai)- ' 
pointed thereto, our Courts of Parliament confining themselves in 
the matter to inquiries as to the piety, morality, and integrity of 
those nominated for offices, as much those of one relin-ion as the 
other, without requiring frum them any other oath than that they 
will faithfully serve the King and obey the laws. In case of vacan- 
cies occurring in any of said offices in oui- disposal, we shall with- 
out partiality appoint cajtable ])ersons to such offices. Let it also 
be understood, that those of said pretended Reformed Religion can 
be admitted and received into all Councils, Assemblies, and Meet- 
ings, which follow from the aforesaid offices, without rejection on 
account of said religion. 

28^^. — We command our ()rii(^ers and Magistrates, and the (Com- 
missioners appointed for the execution of the present Edict, in all 
the towns, &c., of the kingdom, to provide promptly convenient 



y. 



4:62 MEMOIKS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

places for the burial of the dead for those professing said religion. 
And the cemeteries they formerly possessed, of which they were 
deprived during the troubles, shall be restored to them, unless 
occupied by any kind of editices or buildings, in which case, others 
shall be provided gratuitously. 

29^A. — We enjoin it expressly upon our officers, to see to it that 
no scandal occurs at said funerals : and in fifteen days, at farthest, 
after a requisition has been made, they shall be obliged to provide 
a convenient place for the said interments, without any delay or 
procrastination, under a personal penalty of a fine of five hundred 
crowns. All said officers and others are forbidden to require any 
thing for conducting said dead bodies, under penalty of extortion. 

SOth. — In order that justice may be adminiistered to our subjects 
without suspicion, hatred or favor, as a principal means of main- 
taining i>eace and good order, we have commanded and do cout- 
mand, that, in our Court of Parliament in Paris, a Chamber shall be 
established, consisting of a President and sixteen Councillors from 
the said Parliament, which shall be entitled the Chamber of the Edict, 
and shall take cognizance not only of the causes and lawsuits of 
those of the pretended Reformed religion who shall be within the 
limits of said Court, but also within the districts of our Parliaments 
of Normandie and Bretagne, according to the jurisdiction which 
shall be hereafter given to it by the present Edict, till similar Cham- 
bers shall have been established in each of said Parliaments to ad- 
minister justice in those places. We command also that for the 
four offices of Councillors, in our said Parliament, remaining from 
the last establishment made by us, four discreet and competent per- 
sons of the said pretended Reformed religion shall be provided and 
"eceived in said Parliament, namely, the first to be received in the 
Chamber of the Edict, and the other three, as soon as they can be 
received, in three of the Chainbres des Enquf'tes^ and besides that, 
the two first offices of the Secular Councillors that shall become 
vacant by death, shall also be filled by two of the said pretended 
Reformed religion, and these received, shall be distributed also in 
the two other Chambi'es des Enquttes. 

^Ist. — Besides the Chamber formerly established at Castres, for 
the district of our Court of Parliament of Toulouse, which shall be 
continued as at present, we have for the same consideration com- 
manded and do command that, in each of our Courts of Parliament 
of Grenoble and Bourdeaux, a Chamber shall likewise be establish- 



EDICT OF NANTES. 463 

ed, coii'-isting of two Presidents, one Catholic and the otlier of the 
pretended Reformed religion, and of twelve Conncillors, of wlioin 
six sliall be Catholic and the other six of the said religion, which 
Calhouc President and Councillors shall hy us be taken from and 
chosen out of the bodies of our said Courts. And as for those ol 
said religion, there shall be a new President and six Councillors cre- 
ated for the Parliament of Bourdeaux, and one President and three 
Councillors for that of Grenoble, which, with the three Councillors 
of said religion now in said Parliament, shall be employed in the 
said Chamber of Dauphiny. The newly created Officers shall be 
entitled to the same emoluments, honors, rewards and dignities as 
the others of the said Courts. And the said sitting of said Cham- 
ber of Bourdeaux shall be held at Bourdeaux or at Nerac, and that 
of Dauphiny at Grenoble. 

S2d. — The said Chamber of Dauphiny shall have cognizance of 
the causes of those of the pretended Reformed religion within the 
jurisdiction of our Parliament of Provence, without re([uiring let-, 
ters of appeal as in the Chancery Court of Dauphiny, in like man- 
ner those of said religion in Normandy and Bretagne shall not be 
required to take out letters of appeal or other preparation as in 
our Chancery Court of Paris. 

33cZ. — Our subjects of the religion, of the Parliament of Bur- 
gundy, shall have the choice of pleading before the Chamber order- 
ed in the Parliament of Paris or in that of Danphiny. And they 
shall not be obliged to take out letters of api)eal or other prepara- 
tion as in the said Chancery Courts of Paris or Dauphiny, accord- 
ing to the choice they shall make. 

Sith. — All the said Chambers, composed as aforesaid, shall take 
cognizance and pronounce sentence detinitively, without appeal, 
making decisions, to the exclusion of all others, upon suits and 
causes commenced and intended to be conunenced, in which those 
of said pretended Reformed religion shall be principal or security, 
as plaintiff" or defendant, in matters civil or criminal, whether the 
said complaint be made in writing or verbally, if it seems good to 
the said parties, and one of them shall demand it, before the com- 
mencement of the trial : excepting, always, all matters connected with 
Church Benefices, the possession of tithes not impropriated, clerical 
patronage and causes where the (juestion turns upon the rights, 
duties or domains of the church, which shall all be treated and 
judged in the Courts of Parliament, without the said Chambers of 



464 3HEM0IRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

. the Edict luiving any cognizance tliereof. It is also our will, thai 

^^p\ in deciding suits which may arise hetween tlie said Clergy and those 
^ a%j^ of the said pretended Reformed religion, if the clergyman he de- 
fendant, the cognizance and judgment of the criminal suit shall 
belong to our Sovereign Courts, to the exclusion of said Chambers; 
and if the clergyman he plaintiff, and he of said religion defendant, 
the cognizance and judgment of the criminal suit shall belong 
to the said Chambers established, which shall give final decision, 
without appeal. During vacation, the said Chambers shall also have 
cognizance of matters referred, by the Edicts and Ordinances, to the 
Chambers established for the time of vacation, each within its dis- 
trict. 

'S5th. — The said Chamber of Grenoble shall from this time for- 
ward be united and incorporated with the body of the said Court 
of Parliament, and the President and Councillors of the said pre- 
tended Reformed religion shall be nominated Presidents and Coun- 
cillors of the said Court, and considered as of their number and of 
equal rank. And for these ends they shall tirst be distributed in 
the other Chambers ; then selected and drawn from them to be em- 
ployed and to serve in that which we shall order anew ; always 
with the understanding that they shall attend, have a seat and vote 
in all tlie deliberations of the assembled Chambers, and shall enjoy 
the sanie emoluments, authority and dignities as the other Presidents 
and Councillors of said Court. 

S6th. — It is our will, and it nmst be understood, that the said 
Chambers of Castres and Bourdeaux shall be re-united and incor- 
porated with tliose Parliaments, in tlie same way as the others, 
when required, and when the cause wliich has induced us to establish 
them shall cease and no longer be known amongst our subjects ; 
and for these ends the Presidents and Councillors of those of the 
said religion, shall be named and appointed Presidents and Coun- 
cillors of said Courts. 

S7th. — There shall also be newly appointed, in the Chamber 
ordered for the Parliament of Bourdeaux, two Substitutes for our 
Attorney and our Solicitor-General, one of whom shall be Catholic 
and the other of the said religion, for whom shall be provided ready 
money salaries from said otfices. 

SSth. — The said substitutes shall be considered as substitutes only, 
and when the Chambers ordered for the Parliaments of Toulouse 
and Bourdeaux shall be united and incorporated with the said Par- 



^i 



EDICT OF NANTES. 465 

Hainents, the said substitutes shall be furnished with the otfice of 
Councillors in them. 

39 ^A. — The copies of documents from the Court of Chancery 
of Bourdeaux, shall be made out in the presence of two Councillors 
of this C'liauibiT, one of whom shall be Catholic, and the other of 
the sai(' pretended Reformed religion in the absence of one of the 
Master^ of liequests of (tur Hotel. And one of the Notaries and 
Secretaries of the said Court of Parliament of Bourdeaux shall re- 
side in the place where the said Chamber shall be established, or 
else one of the ordinary Secretaries of the Court of Chancery, for 
the purpose of signing documents from said Court. 

4:0th. — We desire and command that in the said Chamber of 
Bourdeaux there be two Clerks to the Registrar of the said Parlia- 
ment, one civil and the other criminal, who shall discharge their 
duties under our Commission, and shall be called Clerks to the 
Court of Records, Civil and Criminal. The Registrars of the Par- 
liament shall not have power to dismiss or recall them. The Clerks 
shall pay over to the Registrars all the fees of the said Registry, 
and they shall be i)aid by the Registrars as shall be delibei-atelj' re- 
solved upon by the .said Chamber. Moreover, Catholic doorkeepers 
shall be ajjpointed, who shall be taken from said Court, or else- 
where, according to our pleasure: besides which there shall be two 
newly appointed of said religion, provided gratuitously, and the 
said doorkeepers shall all be regulated by the said Chamber, as well 
in regard to the fulfilment of their duties as in tlie allowance of 
perquisites lo them. There shall also be a prompt appointment of 
a person to pay salaries and receive fines in said Chamber, if it be 
established elsewhere than in said city, to be approved of by us. 
The appointment formerly made, of a Paymaster to the Chamber 
of Castres shall take etiect, and the duty of receiving fines in the 
said Chamber, shall be added thereto. 

ilst. — Good and sufficient assignments shall be made for paying 
salaries to the Officers of the Chambers ordered by this Edict. 

42d. — The Presidents, Councillors and other Catholic Officers of 
the said Chambers shall be continued so long as shall seem to be 
for our benefit and the good of our subjects ; and when some are 
removed, others must be provided beforehand to take their places ; 
and during the time of service they must not be absent without the 
permission of those who shall have suits pending in conformily 
with the Ordinance. 

20* 



466 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

iSd. — The said Chambers shall be established within six mcintha, 
during which time (if it be so long before the establishment be 
made) the suits commenced and intended to be commenced, in 
which those of the said religion shall be ])anies, within the ju- 
risdiction of our Parliaments of Paris, Kouen, Dijon and Eennes, 
shall be brought forward in the Chamber established for the present 
in Paris, in virtue of the Edict of the year 1577, or else in the Great 
Council, at the choice and option of those of the said religion if 
they re(iuire it : those who shall be of the Parliament of Bourdeaux, 
at their option, either in the Chamber established at Castres or at 
the said Great Council ; and those who shall be of Provence in the 
Parliament of Gr6noble. And if the said Chambers are not estab- 
lished within three months after our present Edict shall have been 
presented to them, those of our Parliaments which have refused, 
shall be deprived of all cognizance over and all right of judging the 
causes of those of the said religion. 

4A:th. — The suits not yet trie<l j)f the above mentioned descrip- 
tion, pending in the said Courts of Parliament and Great Council, 
shall be referred, in whatsoever state they may be, to the said 
Chambers, each in its proper district, if one of the parties of the 
said religion demand it within four months after the establishment 
thereof; and as for those which are susi)ended and not in a state 
for trial, the said persons of said religion shall be obliged to make 
their declaration on the first intimation and notice they shall have 
of the taking up of the suits ; and the said time passed, it shall no 
longer be open to them to demand the reference. 

4:5th. — The said Chambers of Grenoble and Bourdeaux, and the 
Chamber of Castres shall retain the forms and style of Parliaments, 
within tlie jurisdiction in which they shall be established, and those 
A'ho sit in judgment shall be of equal numbers of each religioi., 
unless the parties agree to the contrary. 

4:6th. — All the judges to whom application shall be made for the 
execution of writs and orders from tlie said Chambers, and of Chan- 
cery letters, together with all constables and sergeants, shall be 
obliged to execute them ; and the said constables and sergeants 
shall serve all subpoenas throughout the kingdom without asking 
Placet, visa ne Pareatis., under jiain of suspension from their offices, 
and the risk of all costs and injuries to the parties, the cognizance 
of which shall belong to the said parties. 

47th. — There shall Ije no removing of suits, the cognizance of 



I 



EDICT OF NANTES. 467 

which belongs to said Cliauibers, save in the case of the Ordinances, 
which sliall be referred to the nearest Chamber establislicd in con 
formity with our Edict. And the distribution of the suits of said 
Chambers shall be decided in the nearest, observing tlie orders and 
forms of said Chambers in which the suits shall be prosecuted ■ 
except for the Chamber of the Edict in our Parliament of Paris, 
where the suits commenced shall be distributed in the same Cham- 
ber by Judges who shall be nominated by us, in special letters to 
that etFect, if the parties shall not prefer waiting the renewal of 
said Chamber. And if it happen that a similar suit l)e given to all 
tlie Mixed Chambers, the distribution shall be referred to the said 
Chamber of Paris. 

48^^. — The objecting to or challenging of the President and 
Councillors of the Mixed Chambers shall be allowed, to the number 
of six; to which number the parties must be limited, otherwise all 
shall proceed without regard to said objections. 

49th. — The examination of the Presidents and Councillors new- 
ly appointed for the Mixed Chambers, shall be made in our Privy 
Council, or in the said Chambers, each in its owti district when 
they shall be numerous enough ; and nevertheless the usual oath 
shall be taken by them in the courts where the said Chambers shall 
be established, and on their refusal, in our Privy Council, excepting 
those of the Chamber of Languedoc, who shall take the oath before 
our Chancellor or in that Chamber. 

50tA. — We desire and command that the acceptance of our Of- 
ficers of the said religion shall be decided in the Mixed Cliambers 
by the plurality of votes, as is usual in other tribunals, without re- 
quiring a majority of two-thirds, according to the Ordinance, which 
in this respect is null and void. 

51st. — And to these Mixed Chambers shall be referred all prop- 
ositions, deliberations and resolutions appertaining to the main- 
tenance of public tranquillity, and the i)rivate concerns and Police 
of those towns in which the Chambers shall be established. 

52d. — The article upon the jurisdiction of the said Chambers, 
ordered by the j resent Edict, shall be followed and observed accord- 
ing to its form and tenor, equally in all that concerns the execution 
or non-execution, or infraction of our Edicts when those of said 
religion shall be parties. 

53(Z.— The subaltern officers. Royal or otherwise, whose ac- 
ceptance appertains to our Coui-ts of Parliament, if they be of tho 



468 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

Slid pretended Reformed religion, may be examined and receiver 
in the said Chambers : that is to say, those within the jurisdictions 
of the Parliaments of Paris, Normandy and Bretagne, in the said 
Chamber of Paris ; those of l)auphiiiy and Provence, in the Cham- 
ber of Grenoble ; those of Burgundy, in the said Chamber of Pari? 
or of Dauphiny, at their option ; those within the jurisdiction of 
f oulouse, in the Chamber of Castres ; and those of the Parliament 
of Bourdeaux, in the Chamber of Guyenne ; without any one being 
allowed to raise objection but our Attorneys-General and their sub- 
stitutes, and those in said offices. Nevertheless, the usual oath 
shall be taken by them in the Courts of Parliament, which shall 
not be able to take any action as to their admission ; and if the 
said Parliament refuse, the said Officers shall take the oath in the 
said Chambers, after which ceremony, they shall be obliged to pre- 
sent the proof of their admission to the Registrars of the said 
Courts of Parliament, through a doorkeeper or notary, and also to 
leave a collated copy with the said Registrars: upon whom it is en- 
joined to record the said acts, upon pain of all costs and losses to 
said parties ; and where the said Registrars shall refuse to do this, 
it shall be sufficient for the said Officers to report the fact of the 
said summons, dispatched by the said doorkeeper or notary, and 
the Registrar of the said district shall be obliged to make a record 
of it, for future reference, as occasion may require, under pain of 
prosecution and trial. And as for those Officers whose admission 
has not usually been granted through our said Parliaments, in case 
that those, who ought to examine and admit them, refuse to do so, 
the said Officers shall ajiply for redress to the said Chambers, as they 
have a right to do. 

54:th. — The Officers of the said pretended Reformed religion 
who shall be appointed hereafter, to serve in our Courts of Parlia- 
ment, Great Council, Court of Exchequer, Com-t of Excise or Treas- 
ury Bureau, and other financial Offices, shall be examined and ad- 
mitted in the accustomed places ; and in case of refusal or denial 
of justice, the matter shall be inquired into by our Privy Council. 

55th. — The admission of Officers through the Chamber former- 
ly established at Castres, shall be valid in spite of any Decree or 
Ordinance to tlie contrary. "We also declare to be valid, the ad- 
mission of Judges. Councillors, Assessors and other Officers of said 
religion, by our Privy Council or by Coiiiiiiissioiiers appointed bv 
us to act in ('ase of the refusal of our Courts of Parliament, Excise and 



EDICT OF NANTES. 469 

Exchequer, all to be as valid as if they were admitted by the said 
Courts and Chambers, or by the other Judges, to whom the riglit 
of admission belongs. And their salary shall be paid without ob- 
jection by the Court of Exchequer ; and if any have been struck 
( ff the list, they shall be reinstated without reiiuiring further or- 
ders than tliose contained in the present Edict, and without ' liciini,' 
any Officer to bring fresh proof of admission, notwithstanding De- 
crees to the contrary, which shall be mill and void. 

oGth. — Until means arise from the jiayment itf lines, for the ex- 
penses of justice in the said Chambers, a sufficient assignment shall 
be made to meet tiie expenses, without prejudice to the recovery 
of interest upon the property of condemned persons. 

57th. — The President and Councillors of the said protended Re- 
for!iied religion formerly received in our Conit of Parliament of 
Dauphiny, and in the Chandier of the Edict, incorporated with it, 
shall continue to have their seats and rank tiierein; that is to say, 
the Presidents, as they have enjoyed and do enjoy them, and the 
Councillors, in conformity with the decrees and orders obtained 
from our Pi-ivy Council. 

58th. — We declare to be null and void, fi'om this time forth, all 
sentences, judgments, arrests, prosecutions, seizures, sales and de- 
crees made and given against persons, dead or alive of the said i)re- 
tended Reformed religion, since the deatli of the late King, Henry 
IT., our nnich honored Lord and Fatlici'-in-law, on account of the 
said religion, the tumults and troubles thence arising, together with 
the execution of those sentences and decrees. AYe command all of 
them to be erased and taken away from the Records of the Registrars 
of all Courts, superior and inferior. It is also our will that all 
marks, vestiges and monuments of said executions shall be entirely 
effaced and removed, as well as all defamatory books or acts injuri- 
ous to their persons, their memory or their posterity ; and that 
wherever injury or destruction of ])roperty took place from tliat 
cause, the same shall be restored in its present condition to the for- 
mer i)roprietors, to enjoy and dispose of as they i)lease. And gen- 
erally, we declare null and void all prosecutions and informations 
laid for pretended High Treas(ui and other crimes. Tn spite of any 
prosecutions, decrees and judgments implying resumption, incorpo- 
ration and confiscation that may have ])asse(i, we command the 
restoration in full, of all property to those of the said religion, 
Dthers who belonged to their party and their heirs, and that they 
be put in real and actual possession of the same. 



470 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY, 

59th. — All legal pi-oceedings carried on, and all sentences and 
decrees passed, during the troubles, against those of said religion 
who bore arms, or who withdrew from our Kingdom, or entered 
within cities oi- countries of which they had the possession, on ac- 
count of other affairs besides religion and the troubles ; together with 
all non-suits, claims from riglit of ])rescrii.tion, as well conventional 
as customary, all manorial seizures made from having lapsed during 
the troubles, or gained by means of legal impediments caused by 
them, and of which the cognizance belongs to our judges, shall be 
considered as never having been made, given or occurred. And 
such we have declared and do declare them, and we make them 
void and of none effect, without appeal ; but every thing shall be 
restored and reinstated, in spite of said sentences, and all shall be 
replaced on tlie same footing as before. The same course shall be 
I)ursued with respect to persons who were attached to the party of 
those of said religion, or who absented themselves from our King- 
dom on account of the troubles. And, with regard to minor chil- 
dren whose parents, under the above named circumstances, died 
during the troubles, all shall be restored to them, free of expense, 
and without being obliged to pay any fines; it is, however, not to 
be understood that the decisions given by the Presidial or Inferior 
Judges against those of the said religion or tlieir party should be 
null, if given by Judges holding their sittings in towns possessed by 
them, and to which they had ft-ee access. 

QOth. — The decisions shall be of none effect, which have been 
given by our Courts of Parliament, in matters whose cognizance 
belongs to the Chambers ordered by the Edict of the year 1577, 
- ■' and Articles of Nerac and Fleix, when the parties did not proceed 
^" voluntarily in said courts, that is to say, when they protested against 

the jurisdiction of the court in the case, or where causes have gone 
by default or foreclosure, as well in civil as in criminal suits, where, 
in spite of protest, the said parties have been compelled to go on. 
Such decisions shall be of no value. But with regard to decisions 
given against those of said religion who have not protested, bat 
who have proceeded voluntarily, those shall stand. Nevertheless, 
without prejudice to the execution thereof, the parties may, if it 
seem good to them, ask for a revision before the Chambers ordered 
by this Edict, unless the time allowed by the present Edict shall 
have expired ; and until the said Chambers and Courts of Chancery 
be established, a verbal or written appeal from those of said reli- 



>^ 



EDT IT OF NANTES. 471 

gion presented to the Judges, Kegistrars or Clerks, executors of the 
sentences and judgments shall have the same force as if presented 
by Royal Letters. 

61s^. — In all inquiries which shall be made for any cause in civil 
suits, if the Examiner or Connnissiouer be a Catholic, the parties 7uz-a>^ 
shall be required to agree upon an associate, and Avhere they cannot 
agree upon one, the aid Examiner or Commissioner shall select one 
himself of the said pretended Reformed religion : and the same 
practice shall be pui oied, wlien the Examiner or Connnissioi.er is of 
the said religion, ■< th regard to the selection of an associate, who 
shall tlien be a Catholic. 

Q2d —It is our will and command that our Judges take cogni- • V , _ , ,, 
zance of the validity of Wills, in which those of the said religion are '"- ' 
interested, if they require it, and appeals from said judgments may 
be made, notwithstanding all custom to the contrary, even in Bre- 
tagne. 

(i3(Z. — To obviate all differences which might arise between our 
Courts of Parliament and the Chambers of those Courts ordered by 
our present Edict, good and sufficient regulations shall be made by U i 

Tis for the government of said Courts and Chambers, such as shall O"*- ^ ' 
secure to those of the said pretended Reformed religion, the full 
benefit of said Edict : which regulations shall be recorded in our 
Courts of Parliament, an<l kept and observed without regard to 
precedents. 

64:th. — We prohibit and forbid all our sovereign and other 
Courts of this kingdom to take cognizance and try any civil or 
criminal causes of those of said religion, tlie cognizance of wliicli by 
this our Edict belongs to the said Chambers, ])rovided that the 
reference be demanded as is said in XL.* article aforesaid. 

65th. — We desire also in the meanwhile and until otherwise 
ordered, that in all suits counnenced and intended to be conmienced 
in which any of said religion shall be plaintiff or defendant, jiriiici- 
pal or security, in civil matters in which oui- oflicers and Presidial 
Courts liave the power of final judgment, the privilege shall be 
granted to them of re(|uiring that two of the Chandior where the 
suit is tried sliall refrain from judging, which, without giving any 
reason, shall restrain said two from judging, the Ordinance to the 
contrary notwithstanding, Avhich provides tliat judges shall not be 

♦ It must be a misprint, and intended for Article LX. — Tkanslator's Note. 



\ 



^.' 



472 >rEMoiKS OF a huguenot family. 

challenged without cause: and in addition to this, the right of chal- 
lenging others remains to them unimpaired. And in criminal suits, 
in which also tlie said Presidial and other Royal Subaltern 
Judee» give final judgment, the arraigned parties, being of the said 
religiou, may require three of tlie Judges to refrain from trying the 
cause, without assigning any reason. And the Provosts Marshal 
of France, the Vice-Biulitls, Vice-Seneschals, Lieutenants of the 
Short Kobe, and otiicr otticers of the same rank, shall judge in con- 
formity with the ordinances and regulations lieretofore given in tin. 
case of non-residents (vagaiojis). And as for residents accused 
and arraigned within the Provosts' jurisdiction, if they are of the 
said religion, they may require that thi-ee of tlie said Judges wixt 
have cognizance therein refrain from judging in their suits, and 
tliey shall refrain accordingly, without any reason being assigned ; 
saving when, in the body where the suit is tried, there sliall be found 
tlie number of two in civil suits, and three in criminal suits, of the 
said religion, in which case none shall be cliallenged without giving 
a reason: which practice shall be mutually and commoid}' followed 
with regard to Catholics, in the same form as given above for chal- 
lenging the Judges, where those of the ]»retended Reformed reli- 
gion shall be most in number; not having it imderstood, however, 
from what is hei'e said, that the said Presidial Courts, Provosts 
Mai-shal, A'ice-Bailiffs, Vice-Seneschals and others who give tiual 
judgment, shall take any cognizance of past difficulties. And as 
for crimes and excesses arising from other causes than the troubles, 
since the commencement of the month of March in the year 1585, 
until the end of the year 1597, in cases of which they have cogni- 
zance, it is our will that appeals may be lawfully made from their 
judgment to the Chambers ordered by the present Edict ; the prac- 
tice shall be similar for the Catholic participants and where those 
of said pretended Reformed religion shall be parties. 

66th. — We desire and command that henceforth in all prepara- 
tions other than informations for criminal suits in the Seneschal's 
Courts of TouloiTse, Carcassonne, Rouergiie, Lorajjais, Beziers, Mont- 
pellier and ^imes, the Magistrate or Connnissioner deputed to make 
said preparations, if he be a Catholic, shall be obliged to take an 
Associate who shall be of the said pretended Reformed religion, 
upon whom the parties can agi-ee, but if they shall be unable to 
agree upon one, the aforesaid Magistrate or Commissioner shall select 
for the office one of the said religion. In like manner, if the said 



EDICT OF NANTES. 473 

Magistnite or Coininissioiiei' \w u[ s;ii'l religion, lie siuill be obliged 
to bave a Catholic Associate. 

67t7i. — -Where the (luestioii shall be iii)oii criminal prosecution 
by the Provosts and their Lieutenants, of any one who is a resident 
and is of the said religion, who is accused of crime within the juris- 
diction of the Provosts' Court, if tlie said Provosts or tlieir Lieu- 
tenants be Catholics, they sliall be obliged to summon an Associate 
of said religion, for the preparation of the snit, which Associate 
shall be present, as well at the decision upon com]>etency of ^,i-is- 
diction, as at the final trial of the said suit. The (piestion of com- 
petency can only be decided at the nearest Presidial ('ourt, to which 
all the princiiial otficers of said Court, avIio can be found in tiie 
neighborhood must be convened, under the penalty of the proceed- ^ 

ings being null ; unless the accused party siiould require the com- >vj2.'i-^ 
])etency to be decided in the said Chambers, ordered by the i)resent 
Edict. In which case, with regard to those residing in the Provin- 
ces of Guyenne, Languedoc, Provence or I)au})hiny, the substitutes 
of our Attorneys-General in the said Chambers shall bring forward, 
at the re<|uest of said residents, the charges and accusations laid 
against them, for inciuiry and decision as to whethei- the canses be- 
long of right to the Provosts' Court or not, and afterwards, accord- 
ing to the nature of the crime, to be referred by tiie Chambers for 
trial in the accustomed mode, or transferred to the Provosts' Court. 
In either case the Cbamlters shall see that all is ecpiitably done, in 
conformity with our present Edict. The Presidial .ludges. Provosts, 
Vice-Bailitfs, Vice-Seneschals, and others who ])ronounce iinal 
judgment, shall be res|)ectively bound to obey implicitly all com- 
mands they shall receive from said Chambers, in like manner as 
they have heretofore obeyed our said PaiTiamtnts, under penalty 
of being dejjrived of tlieir estates. 

68^//. — The proclamations, placards aii<l ]>ulilic sale of estates, 
under order from the Courts, shall take pliice in tlie customary ^ 
places and at the usual hours, so far as m;iy l)e jiracticable, and con- i--*'-'- 
pistent with our Crdinances; otherwise to be in the luiblic market 
]ilace. If there be no market in the jilace where the ])ro|)erty is 
situated, the sale shall take jdace at the nearest marki^t within the 
district where the adjudication was ma<le, and placards shall be at- ' 
fixed to the post of the said market-i)lace, aiul at the entrance of _ 

the Session House of the said place, and by this means the said J^'^. 

notices shall be deemed valid and suflicient, and the sale carried on 



474 MKMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

without delay from any plea of invalidity which might he raised 
on this account. 

69th. — All title-deeds, papers, vonchers and documents Avhich 
■ ^. liave been taken away, shall he returned and delivered up, equally 

^> I i^i by both sides to the rightful owners ; even if the said papers or the 

^aK/^ castles and houses in which tlicv were preserved have been taken 

^-^fl and seized either l)y special ('Dinmissioii fi-oui the lately deceased 

King, our much honored Lord and brother-in-law, or others, or by 
command of the Governors and Lieutenant Generals of our Prov- 
inces, or on the other Iiand by authority of the Chiefs of the 
other party, or under any pietext whatsoever. 

70th. — The children of tliose wdio quitted the Kingdom on ac- 
count of religion and the troubles, after the death of our much 
honored Lord and Father- in law Henry IL, even though the afore- 
^ .aJ^"' ^^'^^^ cliildren may have been born out of the Kingdom of France, 

-M"'"^ ^ shall enjoy all the rights and i)rivileges of true native Frenchmen, 

^P-^ ^idl '"^'"^ auch we have declared and do declare them to be, and they 
V ^ ' shall not be obliged to take out letters of naturalization, or take 



^ 



L UA' any steps beyond tlie provisions of this Edict; notwithstanding 

■" ■ all Ordinances to the contrary, which we have herel)y annulled 

and do annul ; only requiring that the said children, born abroad, « ,, 
shall take up their residence in this Kingdom within ten years 
after the publication of this Edict. 

71 s^. — Those of the said pretended Reformed religion who shall 
have farmed any crown lands, tiefs, galiels, customs, or any other 
taxes belonging to us, from which they could not draw the income 
on account of the troubles, shall be discharged, and we do hereby 
discharge them from jiaying that which they did not i-eceive from 
5aid taxes, or which they i)aid, without fraud, elsewhere than into 
our Exchequer, notwithstanding the obligations by which they 
were boimd. 

72d. — All places, cities and jirovinces of our Kingdom, all coun- 
tries, territories and manors owing obedience to us, shall have full 
benefit and enjoyment of all ])rivileges, innnunities, liberties, fran- 
chises, fairs, markets, jurisdictions and Courts of justice of which 
they were |)ossessed previous to the troubles, dating from the month 
of March, 1585, and preceeding, notwithstanding all Letters to the 
contrary. If any Courts were removed solely on account of the 
troubles, the said Courts shall be restored and re-established in thti 
cities and places where they ft)rmerly existed. 



EDICT OF NANTES. 475 

73<Z. — If any prisoners are still in confinement or at the galleys 
by judicial authority or otherwise, on account of the troubles, 
they shall be enlarged and set fully at liberty. 

74iiA. — Those of said religion shall nt)t, hereafter, be over-taxed 
or oppressed by the imposition of any tax, ordinary or extraordi- 
nary, beyond Avhat is imposed upon Catholics, in proportion to their 
property and ability. The parties who complain of surcharge may 
apply for relief to the Judges who have cognizance thereof, and all 
our subjects. Catholics, and thosejpf said pretended Reformed reli- 
gion, shall receive equal justice, and shall be discharged from all 
impositions illegally laid on thenf'by eitliei- party, together with all 
unpaid obligations, expenses incurred without consent of the parties, 
without, however, being able to recover the income which shall 
have been used for the payment of said charges. 

75^A. — It is intended that neither those of said religion, others 
of their party, nor the Catholics who remained in the towns and 
places occupied and retained by them, and who were laid under con- 
tribution, shall be prosecuted for the payment of subsidies, excise, 
city tolls, levies, land tax, quarters for soldiers, indemnities or other 
impositions and taxes laid during the troubles, before our accession 
to the Throne, whether by the Edicts and Mandates of the deceas- 
ed Monarchs, our predecessors, or by the advice and legislation of 
Governors of Provinces, Courts of Parliament and others. We 
have discharged and do hereby discharge them from the pay- 
ment of all such, in forbidding our Royal Treasurers, Receivers, 
General and Particular, their Clerks and Agents, and other Comp- 
trollers and Commissioners of the Exchequer to inquire after, mo- 
lest or disturb them, directly or indirectly, in any way whatever. 

76th. — There shall be no claim upon the Chiefs, Lords, Knights, 
Nobles, Officers, Corporations, Societies, persons assisting them, or 
widows, heirs and successors of such as themselves took and col- 
lected, or by their decrees obtained money of any amount, whether 
belonging to the King's Revenues or to private individuals; rents, 
revenues, plate and sales of furniture belonging to clergy or laity ; 
forest trees, royal or otherwise ; tines, pillage, ransoms or any other 
kind of property, seized on account of the troubles beginning in 
March, 1585, and other previous troubU-s, up to our accession to the 
Throne. Those persons ai>]i()intcd to collect said funds, or who 
leased them, or jirocured them by their Ordinances, cannot be called 
to account for their ])roceedings now or at any fiitui'e time, but shall 



476 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMIJ.Y. 

forever remain free, they and their agents alike, from all inquiry 
about the management and administration of the said funds, on 
condition that they produce, before our Court of Parliament of Pa- 
ris, within four months after the publication of the present Edict, 
receipts duly executed by the Chiefs of the said religion or by per- 
sons empowered by theiu to audit and close the accounts, or by 
the City Cori)orations who held power during the troubles. They 
shall remain ecjually free from disturbance on account of any acts 
of hostility, levying and leading troops, coining and valuing money, 
according to the orders of said Chiefs, casting or seizing upon artil- 
lery and ammunition, manufecturing gunpowder, seizing, fortifying, 
dismantling and destroying cities, castles, towns, &c., making at- 
tempts upon them, burning and otherwise destroying churches, 
houses, &(-.; creating courts of justice, carrying out their sentences 
whether in nuitters civil or criminal, poUcc regulations under them, 
journeys nuide, corres])ondence, negotiations entered u|)on, treaties 
and contracts concluded with foreign Princes and Governments, the 
introduction of foreigners within cities and other places in our 
Kingdom. In short, every thing is to be included within this gen- 
eral amnesty, that has been negotiated, arranged or completed, dur- 
ing the said troubles, by tliose of the said religion and their party, 
since the death of the late King, Henry II. 

77th. — There shall no accusation be brought against any per- 
son of the said religion for holding General or Provincial Assem- 
blies, as well that at Mantes as elsewhere, and since, up to this 
present time, together with Councils established and ordered through 
the Provinces, Deliberations, Ordinances and Regulations, made by 
said Assemblies and Councils; establishing and increasing garrisons, 
assembling troops, levying taxes, taking them out of the hands of 
our Receivers, Parish Collectors or others, in any way whatever, 
seizing salt, continuing or erecting new stage stations, toll houses, 
and receiving the tolls from them, even at Royan, and on the riveiN 
Charente, Garonne, the Rhone and Dordonne ; fitting out vessels 
and fighting with the same, together with any accidents or excesses 
ari=sing from enforcing the payment of said toUs and other rates, 
fortifying cities, castles and other places, imposing taxes and 
forced labor {corxees) receipts from the same, deposing our Receiv- 
ers, Farmers and other Officers, appointing others in their places; 
all combinations formed, dispatches sent and negotiations carried on 
within or without the Kingdom : in short, nothing done, discussed, 



EDICT OF NANTES. 477 

written and ordered by said Assemblies, sliall be inquired into, 
and tbose y)ersons who advised, sicrned, executed, caused to be sijru- 
t'll and executed the said Ordinances, Regulations and Resolutions, 
shall remain undisturbed, as also their widows, children and heirs, 
now and forever, even it' the particulars of' the case be not si)eciall\' 
provided for lierein. ^A'e impose perpetual silence on these subjects 
ui>on our Attorneys-General, their substitutes, and any others who 
may be interested therein, in any way whatsoever, notwithstand- 
ing all decrees, sentences, judgments, prosecutions or jn-oceedings 
to the contrary. 

78^^. — We fully approve, authorize and ])r<)nounce to be valid, 
the accounts which have been audited, closed and examined by the 
dei)Uties of the said Assem])Iy. We desire that these, together with 
the receipts and papers which have been presented by the res])on- 
sible parties, shall be taken to the Court of Exchequer in Paris, tliree 
months after the i)ublication of the present Ed-ct, and placed in 
charge of our Attorney -General, to be delivep'd to the keeper of 
the books and registers of our Chamber, to be ready when wanted 
for reference, at all times, without requiring said accounts to be re- 
vised, nor the parties i-esponsible for them being ol)liged to appear 
or make correction, unless in the case of anything received liaving 
been omitted, or in that of false receii)ts having been given. Our 
said Attorney-General must not raise any question with regard to 
deficient surplus, or formalities not carefully attended to. Othcers 
of the Treasury, as well in Paris as in the Provinces where they are 
settled, are not to take cognizance of any such matters, in any way 
whatever. 

79?^. — With regard to accounts not yet given in, we wish them 
to be audited and closed by Commissioners who will be appointed 
by us for the purpose, who will make no ditficulty in passing and 
allowing all items, jiaiil by the said responsibk' parties, in virtue of 
the Ordinances of the said .Assembly, or others possessing power. 

80^^. — All Collectors, Receivers, Fjirmers and all others, shall be 
fully and legally discharged from the payment of all funds of what 
nature soever, which they paid to the said Clerks of the said Assem- 
bly, up to the last day of this month. We wish to have everj- thing 
passed and allowed in the accounts presented to our Exchequer, 
purely and simply in virtue of the receipts which shall be borno 
upon them. If any shall be afterwards executed and delivered in, 
they shall be declared null, and persons who shall accept them or 



478 MLMOLRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

deliver tlieiii iu, shall be condemned to the penalty, i\>v presenting 
false accounts. And Avhere there shall appear in accounts formerly 
given in to have been erasures made or entries introduced, the said 
])arts shall be entirely restored as before, in virtue of these presents, 
without requiring special letters or any thing more tlian the pro- 
duction of an extract from the i)resent article. 

81st. — There shall be no claim upon Governors, Captains, Con- 
suls, or persons appointed to collect funds for paying the garrisons 
of places held by those of the said religion, which our Parochial 
Receivers and Collectors, either by constraint or in obedience to 
command of the Paymasters, furnished by loan upon their notes or 
bonds, for the support of the said garrisons ; as mudi as comes to 
Avhat we concluded to place on the roll at the connnencement of the 
year 15'J(3, and the increase since granted by us. The said parties 
shall be free from all claim for what was paid for the above pur- 
pose, even if not expressly s|)ecitied upon the notes and btmds, 
which shall be returned to them as null. And, in order to accom- 
plish this discharge, the paymasters in each district shall make the 
individual Receivers of our taxes give receipts to the said Collectors. 
and the Receivers-general shall give receipts to the individual Re- 
ceivers: for the release of the Receivers-general there will be the 
sums of which they will have kept account, as much as it is said to 
be, endorsed ujmn the orders issued by the Chancellor of the Exche- 
(pier, under the names of the Paymasters-General for the payment 
of the said garrisons, and where the said orders do not amount to as 
much as our said establishment of the year 1596, uad the subse- 
quent addition to it, Ave command that fresh ordei s shall be given 
for the amount necessary to release those responsible for it, and to 
recover said promissory notes and bonds, so tliat there may not here- 
after be any claim upon those who gave them. All ])apers requisite, 
for confirming the discharge of the accountable jiarties shall be ex- 
ecuted in virtue of the ])resent article. 

82fZ. — Likewise, those of said religion must fi^rbear and desist 
from all devices, negotiations and correspondence, as well within as 
without our kingdom ; and the assemblies formed in the provinces 
must be dissolved immediately ; all leagues and associations formed, 
or to be formed, under any pretext whatsoever, contrary to our 
present Edict, shall be broken and annulled, as we do break and an- 
nul such ; we expressly forbid all our subjects from this day forth, 
holding clubs, raising money without permission, making fortifica- 



1 



EDICT OF NANTES. 479 

tions, enlisting men, congregating and assembling otherwise than 
permitted by this Edict, and without arms, all of which we ])rohibit 
and forbid under pain of being severely punished, as despisers and 
breakers of our commands and ordinances. 

83(7. — All captures at sea, during the troubles, made in virtue 
of licenses, and those by land also, upon those of the opposite party» 
and which have been judged by judges and Commissioners of the 
Admiralty, or by tlie Chiefs of tliose of the said religion or their 
Council, shall be huslied under tlie provisions of our present Edict, 
without allowing any prosecution : neither the Captains nor others 
who have made the said captures, their securities, the said judges, 
officers, their widows or heirs, can ever be called to account or mo- 
lested in any way whatever, notwithstanding any decrees of our 
Privy Council or letters of marque, and distraint, pending and not 
judged, of which Ave desire there to be full and entire replevin. 

8ith. — Likewise, there can be no inquiry made about those of 
said religion who, during, and even since the troubles, have hindered 
and op[)osed the execution of decrees and judgments obtained for 
the re-establishraent of the Apostolic Roman Catholic Religion, n 
divers places within tins kingdom. 

85th. — And as for those who committed acts of hostility contrary 
to the regulations public or private, of Chiefs or Communities who 
held power in the Provinces, they may be prosecuted as the law 
directs. 

86th. — Inasmuch, however, as if what was done contrary to the 
regulations on both sides, is indiscriminately exce[)ted and reserved, 
from the general indemnity granted by our Edict, and allowed to be 
inquired into, there would be no military man exempt from distur- 
bance, which would probably produce fresh troubles: on this ac- 
count we wish and command that none but criminal cases shall be 
excepted from said indemnity, such as rape, burning, murdei-, theft 
committed by treachery, ambuscade out of the line of regular war- 
fare to gratify private revenge, contrary to the laws of war, dis- 
regarding passports and safe conducts, nnirdering and pillaging 
without orders. Such to be the rule with regard to those of said 
religion, and others who have followed tlio jiarty of their Chiefs, 
acting from private motives. 

87th. — We command likewise, that [lunishment be inflicted for 
crimes and offences committed amongst persons of the same party, 
provided they were not acts ordered by the Chiefs of either party, 



480 MEMOIRS OF A HUOTJENOT FAMILY. 

in conformity with the necessities, usages and laws of war. For 
raising and exacting money, bearing arms and other warlike opera- 
tions on private account, without authority, they shall be liable to 
prosecution according to law. 

88^7/. — The cities, dismaiitled during the troubles, maybe rebuilt 
and repaired from the ruins, at the expense of the inhabitants, and 
the (octroi) toll formerly levied upon provisions for this purpose 
may be continued. 

89^A. — It is our order, desire and pleasure, that all Lords, 
Knights, Nobles, and others of whatsoever rank and condition of the 
said pretended Reformed Religion and their party, be restored to, 
and eifectually replaced in the full enjoyment of every and all their 
property, privileges, names, rights, and offices, notwithstanding 
judgments to the contrary procured during the troubles. We do 
declare all such decrees, seizures and judgments null and void. 

90«A. — Where those of the said pretended Reformed Religion, 
have become possessed of real estate belonging to the Church, in any 
other way tlian by grants from the deceased Kings our Predecessors, 
the title shall not stand good, l)ut the Clergy shall be reinstated 
immediately and without delay, and be protected in the possession 
and actual enjoyment of the proj)erty alienated, without being 
obliged to defray the amount for which it was sold ; and this not- 
withstanding deeds of sale, which we break and declare void ; with 
out however depriving the purchasers of the right to look for re- 
dress from the Chiefs, under whose authority the said property was 
sold. Nevertheless for the reimbursement of that which was truly 
and honestly paid, we shall execute Letters Patent giving permision 
to those of said religion, to claim upon them the amount of said 
sales, without allowing said purchasers to make any claim for 
damages trom the loss of possession, but merely to content them- 
selves with being repaid the sum actually paid.bytliem for the 
property. If the property should have been bought at some unjust 
price below its value, a deduction of profits made from it must be 
allowed. 

^\st. — To the end that all Magistrates, Officers, and the rest of 
our subjects may perfectly understand our wishes and intentions, 
and that no ambiguity may arise from conflicting articles contained 
in former Edicts, we have declared, and we do now declare, to be 
null and void all former Edicts, Secret Articles, Letters, Declara- 
tions, Modifications, Restrictions, Explanations, Decrees and Re- 



EDICT OF NANTES. 481 

;;ords, as well as all Secret and other Resolutions formerly issued by 
us, or the Kings our predecessors, registered in our Courts of Par- 
liament or elsewhere, upon subjects connected witli the said religion, 
aiid the troubles arising therefrom in our Kingdou). To the abro- 
gation herein contained, we add our declaration that by this our 
Edict we have broken, revoked, and cancelled all others; and we 
declare expressly, that we wish thi^ our Edict to be steadfastly and 
inviolably kept and observed, by all Magistrates and Otlicers, as well 
as all our other subjects, eschewing every thing contrary to its 
provisions. 

92d. — And for still further assurance, that this Edict be observed 
and carried out as we wish, it is our Royal will and pleasure that, 
immediately upon its reception, all Governors, and Lieutenant- 
Governors of our Provinces, all Bailiffs, Seneschals, and other 
Magistrates in our cities, shall swear to have it kept and observed, 
each within his District; as also the Mayors, Sheriffs, Oapitouls, 
Consuls and Aldermen, annual or permanent, in our cities and 
towns. We also enjoin upon our said Bailiffs, Seneschals, or 
Iheir Lieutenants, and other judges, that they call upon the princi- 
pal inhabitants, indifferently of either religion, to swear to the 
maintenance of the present Edict immediately after its publicatioji. 
AVe take all alike under our i)rotection and safe-keeping, and desire 
all mutually to protect each other ; and we make our officers liable 
to answer themselves in Court for any infraction of the present 
Edict by the inhabitants of the said cities, if they do not lodge a 
complaint against such offenders, and hand them over to the law. 

We command our right entirely and well-beloved peo[)le, com- 
prising our Courts of Parliament, our Courts of Exchequer, and Courts 
of Aids, under the i)enalty for causing Acts, that would otherwise 
pass, to be null and void, to let nothing intervene, but, inmiediately 
after receiving the present Edict, take the above oath and have the 
Edict published and registered in our said Courts, purely and simply 
Recording to the form and tenor of its contents, without modifjc;!- 
hoc restriction, protest, or secret record, not waiting for any fur- 
ther order or command from us ; and we require our Attorneys- 
General to exact and enforce the publication immediately without 
delay. 

Therefore we lay our commands upon the members of our said 
Courts of Parliament, Court of Exche(juer, Courts of Aids, our Bai- 
liffs, Seneschals, Provosts, and all other Magistrates, whose duty it 

21 



482 MEMOIRS OF A RrOIIKNOT FAMILY. 

may be, together with their Lieutenants, that they cause our preseni 
Edict and Ordinance to be read, published, and registered within 
their respective Courts and jurisdiction, and that they do all in 
their power to have it maiutaiued and carried out in every point, 
giving the full and peaceable benefit thereof to all, putting a stop to 
every thing that could hinder or interfere with it. For, such is our 
Royal pleasure, in vsitness whereto, we have signed these presenta 
with our own hand ; and in order that it may be an established and 
settled thing for ever, we have affixed our seal. 

Given at Nantes, in the month of April, year of Grace, one 
thousand five hundred and ninety-eight ; and the ninth year of our 
reign. 

Signed, HENRI. 

and below, the King being in his Council, 

FOEGET. 

And at the side. Visa. 

And sealed with the great seal, with green wax upon cords of 
red and green silk. 

Read, p^ibUxhed and registered, the King's Attorney-General hearing 
and conseiiting thereto, at Paris, in Parliament, the twenty-fifth day of 
February, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine. 

Signed, Voysin. 

Read, published and registered, in the Court of Exchequer, the Krng'i 
Attorney- General hearing and consenting thereto, the last day of March, 
one thousand five hundred and ninety-nina. 

Signed, De la Fontaine. 

Read, published and registered, the King's Attorney- General hearing 
and consenting thereto, at Paris, in the Court of Aids, the thirtieth ant 
last day of April, one thousand five hundred and ninety-nine. 

Signed, Bkknard. 



SECKET AKTICLES. 483 



Secret articles, taken from the General ones, that the King granted to thost 
of the pretended Reformed religion : which his Majesty did not wish to 
eoibody in the general articles, nor yet in the Edict,made and drawn up 
from them, given at Nantes in the month of April last : and neverthe- 
less it is the will of His said Majesty that they shall be as fully ob- 
served as those contained in the said Edict. And for this purpose they 
shall be registered in his Courts of Parliament and elsewhere as re- 
quired, and all Declarations, Provisions and Letters, that be needed 
shall be dispatched. 

Article \st. — The sixth article of the said Edict relating to liberty 
of conscience, and permission to reside within this kingdom, granted 
to all his Majesty's subjects, shall be extended to, and include 
within it, all Ministers, Schoolmasters and others, who are or may 
be in future of the said religion, whether natives or foreigners, 
acting in all things in conformity with the provisions of said Edict. 

23,. — Those of the said religit)n shall not be obliged to contribute 
towards the building or repairs of Churches or Chapels, nor to the 
purchase of Sacerdotal ornaments. Lights, casting of Bells, con- 
secrated bread, hiring houses for Priests or Monks, nor any similar 
thing; except in cases where they themselves or their ancestors 
have made endowments. 

3cZ. — They shall not be obliged to decorate their houses on Festi- 
vals when it is so ordered, they shall merely allow the official per- 
sons to do it, without contributing any thing towards it. 

^th. — Those of the said religion shiill not, when sick or dying, be 
obliged to receive exhortations from persons not of their own faith, 
and their own Ministers shall be jjermitted to visit and comfort them 
without hindrance. As for those who shall be under judicial con- 
demnation, the said Ministers may visit and comfort them, but can 
only offer up public prayers in those places where the said religion 
is allowed free exercise. 

Mh. — The public exercise of the said religion shall be lawful at 
Pimpoul : and in the faubourg of Paulet for Dieppe ; and the said 
]jlaces of Pimpoul and Paulet shall be ])laces for bailiwicks. As for 
Sancerre, the said exercise shall be continued as at present, save 
that for the establishment of it in the said town, the inhabitants 
must make it appear that tliey iiave the consent of the Lord of the 
Manor. Commissioners api)i)inted by His Majesty for the execution 
of the Edict will attend to this. The free exercise of the said 



4-84 MEMOIRS OF A HUGENOT FAMILY. 

religion shall be re-established in the town of Montagnac in Lan 
guedoc. 

Qth. — The following plan has been decided upon, for the execu- 
tion of the article upon bailiwicks. Firstly, for the establishment 
of the exercise of the said religion, in the two places granted in each 
Bailiwick, Presidency or Government, those of the said religion 
shall name two cities, in the faubourgs of which, the said exercise 
shall be established by the Commissioners, his Majesty shall appoint 
for the execution of the Edict. And in cases where the Commis- 
sioners shall not approve, those of the said religion shall name two 
or three villages near to the said cities, from which the Commis- 
sioners shall make choice of one. And if from war or pestilence, or 
other actual impediment, the religious exercise cannot be carried on 
in the appointed places, others may be named for use during the 
continuance of the impediment. Secondly, there shall only be two 
cities named within the government of Picardy, in the faubourgs of 
which the exercise of said religion may be allowed, for the Baili- 
wicks, Presidencies, and Governments dependent upon it : and 
where it may not be convenient to allow it in the faubourgs of the 
cities, two villages may be selected. Tliirdly, in consideration of 
the great extent of the Presidency of Provence, and the Bailiwick 
of Viennois, Ilis Majesty grants permission for the exercise of said 
religion in a third place, which shall be selected according to the 
above provisions, and shall be in addition to the places where the 
exercise already exists. 

^Ith. — That which is granted by the said article, for the exercise 
of the said religion within the Bailiwicks, shall extend to the lands 
owned by the late Queen, the mother-in-law of His Majesty, and to 
the Bailiwick of Beaujolois. 

8^^. — In addition to the two places granted for the exercise of 
the said religion, by the private articles of the year 1577, in the 
Isles of Marennes and Oleron, two others shall be granted, for the 
convenience of the inhabitants : that is to say, one for all the Isle« 
oi Marennes, and one for Oleron. 

9fA. — The octroi or toll upon provisions granted by His Majesty, 
for the exercise of said religion in the city of Mets, shall take full 
effect. 

\Oth. — It is the will and pleasure of His Majesty, that the 27th 
article of his Edict, relating to the eligibility for official Dignity of 
persons of the pretended Eeformed religion, shall be understood 



seckilT akticlks. 485 

and fully observed according to its form and tenor ; notwit-bstandin^ 
edicts and grants formerly made for tbe reduction of any Princes. 
Nobles, or Catbolic cities to obedience, which grants shall have no 
prejudicial bearing upon those of said religion, except in the matter 
of the public exercise thereof; which shall be regulated by the fol- 
lowing articles ; from which, .instructions shall be drawn up for the 
Commissioners, whom His Majesty will appoint to put in execution 
the provisions ®f his Edict. 

nth. — According to the Edict given by His Majesty, for the re- 
duction of the Duke of Guise, the exercise of the said pretended 
Reformed religion, shall not be allowed within the cities or fau- 
bourgs of Rheims, Rocroy, Saint Disier, Guise, Jeinville, Fimes, and 
Moncornet in the Ardennes. 

12th. — It shall not be allowed in tlie environs of the said cities, 
and places in which it was f()rl)id(U-n by the Edict of the year 1577. 

I'dth. — And in order to take away all ambiguity that might pos- 
sibly attach to the word environs., His Majesty declares that it is 
understood to apply to all places witliin the liberties, or the juris- 
diction of the said cities, in which places the said religion shall not 
be established, except it should have been permitted by the Edict 
of 1577. 

\4:th. — And inasmuch as by tliat, tlie said exercise was granted 
generally in the Fiefs belonging to tliose of the said religion, with- 
out excepting the said environs : His Majesty declares the same 
privilege shall still be possessed by those of the said religion liolding 
such Fiefs, as is declared in the Edict given at Nantes. 

15th. — According to the Edict given for the reduction of the 
Marshal de la Chatre, there shall be only one ])lace granted for the 
exercise of the said religion, in each of the Bailiwicks of Orleans and 
Bourges, nevertlieless the exercise may be continued where it is 
permitted by the Edict of Nantes. 

l&th. — Tlie privilege of preaching in the Fiefs, shall be extended 
t(» the said Bailiwicks, in the way directed by the Edict of Nantes. 

I'itJi. — The Edict given for the reduction of the Marshal de Bois 
Dauphin shall be observed; and the said exercise shall not be per- 
mitted within any towns, faubourgs, or places brought l)y him into 
subjection to His Majesty. As for tlie environs of such, the Edict 
of 1577 shall be observed, even in tiie houses of the Fiefs, as di- 
rected by the Edict of Nante.s. 

18//^ — -There shall be no exercise of the said reli<j;ion withjn the 



486 MEMoms OF a huguenot family. 

cities, faubourgs and castle of Morlais, in conformity with the Edict 
given on the reduction of the said city. The Edict of 1577 shall be 
observed within the district, even in the Fiefs, according to the 
Edict of Nantes. 

'i^th. — In consequence of the Edict for the reduction of Quin- 
percorantin, there shall be no exercise of the said religion within 
the Bishopric of Oornouaille. 

20^A. — According also to the Edict given for the reduction of 
Beauvais, there shall be no exercise of the said religion at Beauvais, 
nor within the distance of three leagues around it. Nevertheless, 
it may be established in the places permitted by the Edict of 1577, 
even in the houses of the fiefs, in conformity with the Edict of 
Nantes. 

2\st. — Inasmuch as the Edict given for the reduction of Ad- 
miral Villars was only provisional, and to be in force until the 
King decreed otherwise, it is the will and pleasure of His Majesty, 
that henceforth his Edict of Nantes shall regulate all cities and ju- 
risdictions brought into subjection to His Majesty by the said Ad- 
miral. 

22(Z. — According to the Edict for the reduction of the Duke de' 
Joyeuse, the exercise of said religion shall not be allowed in the 
city of Toulouse or its faubourgs, or within four leagues around 
it, nor any nearer than the cities of Villemur, Oarmain and the 
Isle in Jourdan. 

23(Z. — It shall not be restored in the towns of Alet, Auriac and 
Montesquieu ; with the understanding, at the same time, that if 
persons of the said religion within the said towns, shall petition for 
a place where they can have the exercise of said religion, the Com- 
missioners of Ilis Majesty, or the officers of the j>lace, shall assign 
for each town some place of convenient and safe access for the said 
exercise, to be not further than one league distant from the towu. 

24«A. — The said exei-cise may be established according to tlie 
provisions of the Edict of Nantes, within the jurisdiction of the 
Court of Parliament of Toulouse ; excepting, always, in the Baili- 
wicks, Presidencies &c. the chief town of which was brought into 
subjection to tlie King by the said Duke de Joyeuse, where the 
Edict of 1577 must be observed. It is to be understood tliat tlie 
said exercise may be continued in the places where it existed at tlie 
time of the reduction ; and in the houses of fiefs as set forth in the 
Edict of Nantes. 



SECRET ARTICLES. iS? 

25th. — The Edict given for the reduction of Dijon shall be ob- 
served, and according to it, there shall be no religious exercisea 
whatever but those of the Apostolic Roman Catholic Church, with- 
in the City or for four leagues around it. 

2Qth. — The Edict given for the reduction of the Duke De May- 
enne shall be likewise observed, and, in conformity with it, there 
shall be no exercise of the pretended Reformed religion within the 
towns of Chalons, and for two leagues around Soissons, for the 
space of sis years, commencing from the month of Jaiuiary, 1596; 
after the exi)iration of which period, the Edict of Nantes shall ex- 
tend there and be observed as through the rest of the Kingdom. 

27th. — Persons of all ranks of the said religion shall be permit- 
te<,l to reside within the City of Lyons, and freely to go and come ; 
and the same as regards other places within the Government of 
Lyonnois, notwithstanding prohibitions formerly made by the Syn- 
dics and Sheriffs of the said City of Lyons, and confirmed by His 
Majesty. 

28th. — There shall be only one jilace in a Bailiwick for the ex- 
ercise of said religion, within tlie wliole Presidency of Poitiers, 
besides those in which it is now established. The fiefs to be regu- 
lated by the Edict of Nantes. The said exercise sliall be continued 
in the town of Chauvigny : the said exercise shall not be re-estab- 
lished in the towns of Agen, and Perigueux, although by the Edict 
of 1577 it might be. 

29th. — There sliall be only two places in the Bailiwick for the 
exercise of tlie said religion, in the Government of Picardy, as has 
been said before ; and the said two places may be given in the dis- 
tricts reserved by the Edict given on the reduction of Amiens, 
Peronne and Abbeville. The said exercise may be permitted in the 
houses of the fiefs, throughout the Government of Picardy, accord- 
ing to the Edict of Nantes. 

SOth. — «There sliall be no exercise ol" the said religion in the 
town and faubourg of Sens, and only one place in the Bailiwick 
shall be allowed within the district ; without i)re)udic<,', however, 
to the privileges granted to the owners of fiefs, whicli shall be in 
accordance with tlie Edict of Nantes. 

Slst. — The said exercise shall not be allowed within the city or 
faubourgs of Nantes, nor in any f)lace within three leagues around 
The houses of owners of fiefs excepted, according to the Edict ol 
Nantes. 



488 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

S2d. — It is the will and pleasure of His Majesty, that his said 
Edict of Nantes be observed from this time forth, in all that con- 
cerns the exercise of the said religion, in all places where it was 
prohibited, until further orders, by the Edicts and grants given upon 
the submission of certain Princes, Nobles and Catholic cities 
And where the prohibition was for a limited number of years, 
the Edict must be observed after that time is over. 

SSd. — A place shall be given to those of said religion for tlio 
city and precincts of Paris, within live leagues at the utmost, where 
the public exercise of said religion may be allowed. 

Mth. — In all places where the public exercise of the said reli- 
gion is permitted, the people may be called together, even by the 
ringing of bells, and they may perform all acts and functions ap- 
pertaining to said religion or its discipline, such as holding Consis- 
tories, Conferences and Synods, Provincial and National, with the 
])ermission of His Majesty. 

S5th. — Ministers, Elders and Deacons of the said religion shall 
not be compelled to appear as witnesses in a Court of Justice, with 
regard to matters made known in Consistory as questions for church 
censure, except it be in a matter bearing upon the safety of the 
State or the person of the King. 

SQth. — Persons of said religion who reside in the country, may 
lawfully go to towns or other places for the exercise of said religion, 
where it is publicly established. 

37^^. — It shall not be lawful for persons of said religion to keep 
public schools any where but in places where the said religion is 
publicly established : the provision heretofor-e granted for the erec- 
tion and maintenance of Colleges shall be made good when required, 
and shall go into full operation. 

SSth. — It shall be lawful for persons making profession of the 
said pretended Pteformed religion, to appoint such preceptors as 
shall seem good to them for the education of their children, and to 
substitute one or several, by will or codicil, or declaratioTi made 
before a notary, or written and signed with their own hands. For 
the rest, the laws and ordinances of (he Kingdom, as usually re- 
ceived, will be of full force in the giving and providing of guar- 
dians and protectors. 

39^^. — With regard to the marriages of Priests and Nuns which 
have already been contracted, it is, for various good reasons, the 
will of His Majesty that they shall not be disturbed or sought after, 



SECRET ARTICLES. 4S(« 

and he imposes silence upon his Attorney-Genenvl .and other Offi- 
cers in this matter. Nevertheless, His said Majesty declares that p^ 
children, the issue of such marriages, shall only inherit the house- 
hold goods and the earnings or acquisitions of their parents, and 
in default of such clwldren the nearest relations are to inherit: and 
the wills, donations and other dispositions, made and to be made, 
by persons of said description, of the said household goods and 
earnings, are declared valid. His said Majesty declares that tha 
said professed Monks or Priests and Nuns shall not succeed to any 
family inheritance directly or collaterally, except, only, they mty , 
take possession of wh.Ht is left or shall be left to them by will, ex- 
centing, always, those by direct and collateral succession: as for 
those who made i)rofession before the age stipulated by the Ordi- 
nances of Orleans and Blois, the tenor of said Ordinances shall be 
obeyed, each for the time of its being binding. 

4:0th. — His Majesty's will and ])leasure is, that persons of the 
said religion, who have contracted marriages or shall contract them, 
who are within the third or fourth degree of consanguinity, shall 
not be disturbed, nor the validity of the marriages called in (pies- 
tiou : in like manner, there shall be no dispute about the right of 
successi(jn to property of the children born, or who shall be born 
from such marriages : and as for such marriages as shall have been 
already contracted between those of the second, or of the second 
and third degree, making appeal to the King, they shall be furnish- 
ed with such grant or patent as shall be all-suflicient to protect 
them from molestation, and their children from disputed succession. 

ilst. — In order to judge of the validity of marriages made and 
contracted by those of the said religion, and to decide upon their 
legality, if the defendant be of the said religion, the Royal Judge shall 
have cognizance of the cause, and where the Catholic is defendant, 
the cognizance shall belong to the Ecclesiastical Judge. It' both 
parties be of the said religion, the cognizance shall belong to the 
Royal Judges. His said Majesty's will is, that with regard to said 
marriages and ditt'erences growing out of them, the Ecclesiastical 
and the Royal Judges, together with the Chandlers establislwd by 
the Edict, shall respectively Iiavc the cognizance 

42'"7. — Gifts and legacies made, or that :-hall be made, by tiiO r' 

last will of the dying, or the disposition of the living, towards tlie \ 1 
maintenance of Ministers, Doctors, Scholars or poor persons of the 
paid pretended Reformed religion, or for other i)ioiis jmrposes, >-lial) 
21* 



y 



490 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

be valid and take full effect, notwithstanding any Judgments or De- 
crees to the contrary, without any prejudice, always be it remem- 
bered, to the rights of His Majesty or others in cases wliere the 
said legacies and gifts fall in mortmain. All actions and prosecu- 
tions necessary for the recovery of said legacies and other rights, 
may be carried on by a Solicitor, in the name of the body and com- 
munity of those of said religion who are interested therein, and if 
it shall be found that the said gifts and legacies have been other- 
wise disposed of, such restitution as is practicable may be claimed. 

43(?. — His said Majesty permits those of the said religion to as- 
setnble before the Royal Judge, and by his authority to assess a tax 
upon themselves and collect the same in sufhcient sum to pay the 
expenses of their Synods, and provide for the support of those who 
are charged with the exercise of their said religion, of which they 
will render an account to the Royal Judge : the copy of wliicli shall 
be sent every six montlis to His Majesty or to his Chancellor. The 
said taxes and tines shall be levied, in spite of opposition or appeal. 

44<A. — Ministers of the said religion shall be exempt from guard 
and patrol, or lodging soldiers or other assessments and imposts, 
together with the guardianship of property seized under judicial 
authority. 

45^^. — With regard to interments heretofore made in Cemete- 
ries belonging to the said Catholics, it is the will of His Majesty that 
no inquiry whatever shall be made, and this be enjoins upon his 
officers to observe. With regard to the City of Paris, in addition 
to the two Cemeteries which those of the said religion now have 
there, that is to say, that of Trinity, and that of Saint Germain, a 
third shall be given to them in a place convenient for the said in- 
terments, either in the faubourg St. Honore or St. Denis. 

46</i. — The Catholic Presidents and Councillors, who shall serve 
in the Chamber ordered by the Parliament of Paris, shall be chosen 
by His Majesty from the list of officers of the Parliament. 

47<A. — The Councillors of the said pretended Reformed religion, 
who shall serve in said Chamber, shall be present, if it seem good 
to them, at the causes which are decided by Commissioners, and 
they may have a deliberative voice, without having any part of the 
funds deposited, although they have the privilege of being present. 

48<A. — Tlie oldest President of the Mixed Chambers shall pre- 
side in the meeting, and in liis absence the second; and the distri- 
bution of the causes shall be made by the two Presidents conjointly, 
or alternatelv, by the month or bv the week. 



SKciji-.'i- A inicLi'.s;. 4J>i 

i9th. — Til case of v.-icnivcv in the otticcs \i> hv tilled, l)y those <tf 
sal J religion, hy the (.'lianihers of llie Edict, the parties ;t])plyiiii;- 
shiill bring a Cbrtitieate from the Synod or Conference to wliich 
they belong, attesting that they are of said religion, and persons of 
proliity. 

50tli. — The indemnity granted to those of rhe said pretended 
Reformed religion by the 74th article of the Edict, siiall extend to 
the seizing of all Royal funds, whether by breakinu; into the chests 
or otherwise, even including those which were taken tin the river 
Charante, now, that they had been appropriated to private intli- 
vidnals. 

olst. — The i-lth article of the secret articles, given in the year 
?5T7, t(mching the city and Archbishopric of Avignon, and earldom 
• ■f Yenise, together with the Treaty concluded at Nimes, shall be 
observed according to their form and tenor : no Letters of Marqve 
shall be given in virtue of said Articles and Treaty, but by the King 
himself, sealed witli his great seal. Nevertlieb^ss, those who desire 
to obtain them, may, in virtue of this present article, appear before 
the Royal Judges, wlio shall inform themselves fully of the facts of 
the injustice complained of by those who desire said letters, and 
then send the information sealed to His Majesty, who will take such 
action as he pleases thereupon. 

52rZ. — It is the will and pleasure of His Majesty, that Master 
Nicolas Grimonlt shall be restored to the title and ])ossession of the 
offices of Senior Lieutenant-(iener.al, both Civil and Criminal, in 
the Hailiwick of Alenron, notwithstanding the resignation nnide l)y 
him to Master .lolni Marguerit, tiie reception of it, and the ajipoint- 
ment obtained bv ^faster William liernard of the ()rtice of Lieuten- 
ant-General, Civil and Criminal, at the sitting of Exmes : and the 
decrees given against the said Marguerit, to whom it was re- 
signed during the troubles in the I'rivy Council, in the years 158<i, 
1.587 and 1588. by which blaster Nicolas Barbier is maintained in 
the rights and |)rivileges of Senior Lieu-tenant-Goneral in the said 
liailiwick; and the said Bernard in tlie said ofHce at E.xmes, tlie 
which His Majesty has reversed, and all el>e contrary to this. He- 
c*ides this. His Maji'sty, for cert.ain good and >iirticient reasons, com- 
mands tliat the said (irimoiilt shall rejiay, within thive months, the 
said iiarbier, the sums that he has ey<'heated for the otfice of Lieu- 
. tenant-General, Civil and Criminal, in the Vicomte of Alen<,'on, 
and tiftv crowns for the expen.se; empovvering for that pur}iose the 



492 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

Bailiff (-"f Perclie or his Lieutenant at Mortaigne. And the repay- 
ment made or offered, thongli the said Barhier may refuse or delay 
to receive it, it is His Majesty's will and i)leasure that the said Bar- 
bier and the said Bernard shall not intermeddle any more with the 
duties of the said offices, under pain of the punishment for perjury ; 
the said Grimoult shall he placed in full possession of these offices, 
with the rights and privileges appertaining to them ; and, by this 
article, the suit j lending before the Privy Council, between the said 
Grimoult, Barhier and l^ernard shall be terminated. His Majesty 
forbids his ParlianKMit to take any further cognizance, and als(» 
forlnds the parties themselves to agitate it again. Besides, His said 
Majesty has taken upon himself to repay the said Bernard a thou- 
sand crowns escheated for his office, and sixty crowns for the marc 
d^or* and expenses; having for this purpose now ordered good and 
sufficient apju-opriations to be made, the collecting of which is in- 
trusted to the diligence of the said Grimoult. 

53fZ. — His Majesty will write to his Ambassadors to solicit for 
all his subjects, even for those of the said pretended Reformed reli- 
gion, that they may not be forced to do any thing against conscience, 
nor be subject to the Inquisition, going, coming, travelling and 
trading in foreign countries, the allies and confederates of this 
Crown, provided, always, that they do not offend against the laws 
of the country in which tl>ey may be. 

Mth.—lt is the will and pleasure of His Majesty, that no inqui- 
ries be made about the collection of the taxes levied at Royan, in 
virtue of tlie contract made with the Sieur de Candelay, and others 
made in continuation of it. The said contract is declared \alid in 
all its items, until the eighteenth day of next May. 

55<A. — The outrages committed on the person of Arraand Cour- 
tines, in the town of Millaut, in the year 1687, and of John Reines 
and Peter Seigneuret, together with the prosecutions of the suits 
in consequence, by the Magistrates of the said Millaut, shall be 
quashed and consigned to oblivion, in virtue of the Edict, without 
its being lawful for their widows or heirs, the Attorneys-General 
of His Majesty, or their Substitutes, or any other person whatever, 
to bring forward the case ; notwitlistanding, and without paying 
attention to the Decree made in the Chamber of Castres on 
the tenth of last March, which shall be null and void, together 
with all proceedings begun on either side. 

• A sort of entrance fee paid to the King before being installed in an office. — Trans. 



SECRET ARTICLES. 492 

56th. — All prosecutions, suits, sentences, judgments and decrees 
given, as well against the deceased Sienr de la None, as against the 
Sieur Odet de la None, his son, since their imprisonment in Flan- 
ders, which occurred in the month of May, 1580, and the month 
of November, 1584, and during their constant occupation in the 
wars and service of Ilis Majesty, shall be ln'oken and aimulled, and 
all else consequent upon them, and the defence of the said de la 
Noue shall be received, and they shall be restored to the same state 
they were in before the judgments and decrees; without being 
obliged to defray any expenses, or deposit any fines, if any have 
been decreed, nor shall any non-suit, or proscription made during 
the time, be brought np against them. 

Executed by the King, in Council at Nantes, the second day of 
May, one thousand five hundred and ninety-eight. 

Signed, 

HENRI. 

And below, Forget. 

Sealed with the great seal with yellow toax. 

Henry, by the grace of God, King of France and Navarre, to our 
right entirely and well-beloved people, holding om- Court of Parlia- 
ment in Paris, greeting. We executed, in the mouth of x\]iril last, 
our Edict, for the establishment of i)eace and good order amongst 
our Cathohc subjects, and those of the i)retended Reformed religion. 
And in addition, we have granted, to those of the said religion, cer- 
tain secret and private articles, which we wish to have equal force 
and virtue, and to be observed and accomplished equally witii 
our Edict. For this cause, we wish, desire, and most expressly 
command, by these presents, that tlic said articles, signed by our 
own hand, and attached hereto, mider the counter seal of our Chan- 
cellor, be registered in the registers of our said Court ; and that 
what is herein contained be maintained and observed in every 
point, the same as our Edict: ceasing, and causing to cease, ill 
troubles and hindrances. For such is our pleasure. 

Given at Nantes, the second day of May, year of grace one 

thousand five hundred and ninety-eight; and of our reign the 

ninth. 

Signed for the King. 

Forget. 
And sealed on a simi)le label with yeHow wax. 



194 MEMOIRS OF A HUgIkNOT FAMILY, 



Writ of grant from Henry the Great, to his subjects of the jiretended 
Reformed religion, the ^dth April, 1598. 

This day being the third of April, 1598, tlie King being at 
Nantes, wishing to gratify his subjects of the pretended Eeformcd 
rehgion, and to help them to meet various great expenses whicli 
they have incurred, has ordered and does order, that for the future, 
to commence on the tirst day of the present month, there shall be 
put into the hands of Monsieur de Vierse, api)ointed by His Majesty, 
by his Treasurers, each in his year, assignments for the sum of forty- 
five thousand (crowns, to be employed in certain secret affairs which 
concern them, but which His Majesty does not choose to specify or 
declare ; which sum shall be assigned from the general Receipts as 
follows: that is to say, Paris, six thousand crowns; Caen, three 
thousand crowns; Orleans, four thousand crowns; Poitiers, 
eight thousand crowns; Linioges, six thousand crowns; Bor- 
deaux, eight thousand crowns. The whole amounting to the 
said sum of forty-five thousand crowns; payable quarterly 
every year, out of the first and most available of the general 
receipts, and no deduction shall be made for any falling short, or 
any other cause. Which sum of forty-five thousand crowns shall 
be furnished in ready money, which shall be put in the hands of the 
King's Treasurer, which shall serve to pay the whole of the assign- 
ments. And whereas, for the convenience of the above-named, it 
may be required to have some payments made from certain particu- 
lar receipts ; the Treasurers and Receivers-General, shall be ordered 
to make it, taking it from the assignments of the said Royal Trea- 
surers; which shall afterwards be delivered by the said Sieur de 
Vierse to those persons who shall have been named to liim, by 
those of said religion, at the beginning of the year as the parties to 
receive and dispense the funds received in virtue of this; of which 
tliey shall return a true account at tlie end of the year to the Sieur 
de Vierse, with the receipts of the jiarties taking it, for the informa- 
tion of llis Majesty as to the employment of the money. Neither 
the Sieur de Vierse, nor those appointed to receive, by the authori- 
ties of said religion, shall be called to any account in any CharnVjer 
His said Majesty has coinnianded all necessary letters and instruc- 
tions to l)e given, and to him the account is to be rendered, in vii-- 
tue of this present writing, which he has signed with his own hand. 



GKANT FROM HENRY TTIE CrREAT. 495 

and had it countersigned by our Chancellor, in the Council of State 
and Secretary for his commands. 

Signed HENRY. 

and below, . De Neufville. 

This day, the last nf A|iril. 1598, the King being at Nantes, 
wishing to content his subjects of the pretended Reformed religion 
as much as jjossible, and to grant all their requests to him, for such 
things as tbey considered to be essential for the safety of their per- 
sons, property, and estates. And for the confidence that His 
Majesty reposes in their fidelity, and their sincere aifection, with 
some other important considerations atlecting the traniiuillity of the 
state ; His said Majesty, in addition to what is contained in the 
Edict he has lately resolved upou, and which ought to be published, 
for the regulation of what concerns them, has granted, and promised 
to them that all places, cities, and castles, of which they had pos- 
session until the end of the month of August last, in which they 
shall have garrisons, the list shall be drawn up and signed by His 
Majest}', and shall remain in their keeping, under the authority of 
His Majesty, for the space of eight years, to count from the day of 
publication of the Edict. For other places which they hold, where 
they sliull liave no garrison, there shall be no change or innovation. 
His said Majesty does not mean it to be understood, that the towns 
and castles of Vendome and Pontorson be included in the number 
of said ])laces, left in the keeping of those of said religion. He does 
not mean to include within the said number, the City, Castle and 
Citadel of Aubenas, of which he wishes to have the free disposal, 
without its being of any consequence, that if now in the hands of 
one of the said religion, it shall afterwards be appropriated to 
another of said religion as in other cities granted to tliem. And as 
for Chauvigny, it shall be restored to the Bishop of Poitiers, Lord 
of the said place, and the new fortifications shall be razed and de- 
molished. And for the su])port of the said garrisons, which are to 
be maintained in the said cities, places and castles. His said Majesty 
h.-is granted the sum of one hundred and eiglity thousand crowns, 
without including those in the Province of Dauphiny, for which 
there shall otherwise be provided the sum of one hundred and 
eighty thousand crowns annually: promising and assuring, that ap- 
propriations shall be made of the most available and undoubted 
nature, where the said garrisons are established. And if these shall 



496 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

not be sufficient, tlie said sum sliull l)c iiiade up from other sources, 
and shall be comjiletely ])aid. His Majesty likewise promises that 
when he makes up the list, or establishment for the said garrisons, 
he will call around lain those of the said religion, to take their 
opinion, and listen to their complaints, before he gives his orders, 
which he will always do in a manner to be as satisfactory to them 
as he possibly can. And if during the eight years, it shall be ne- 
cessary to make any changes in the said establishment, whether 
proceeding from His Majesty's judgment, oi- in answer to petition, 
he will observe the same plan as at first, in deciding upon it. And 
as for the garrisons of Dauphiny, His Majesty, in drawing ont the 
establishments for them, will take the opinion of the Sieur de Les- 
diguieres. And in case of the occurrence of any vacancies, amongst 
the Governors and Captains of the said places. His said Majesty 
promises and agrees to appoint none, bnt such as are of the pre- 
tended Reformed religion, and shall bring proof of being so from the 
Conference of the place where they live, and also the attestation to 
the fact of their being respectable men. He will content himself 
with requiring that he, for whom the writ has been made out, shall 
bring the certificate of the Conference, before the appointment is 
concluded, and the Conference shall be required to make their report 
without unnecessary delay, or if there be any delay, they must give 
their reasons for the same to His Majesty. And this term of eight 
years expired, although His Majesty's promise will be redeemed, and 
the places restored to him, yet he promises, that if garrisons shall be 
continned there, and Governors remain to command them, he will not 
dispossess those who shall be in office there, to appoint any others. 
He likewise declares that it is his intention, as well during the 
said eight years, as after them, to gratify those of the said religion, 
and to give them a share of the offices, governments and other 
honors that he will have to bestow ; and to distribute them without 
favor or partiality, according to the rank and merit of the persons, 
as to his other Catholic subjects ; without however, the places and 
cities which may be hereafter intrusted to their command, besides 
those they now have, being considered, in consequence of that, to 
be more particularly appropriated to those of the said religion. 
Also his said Majesty has gi-anted to them, that those who are in 
charge of the magazines, munitions, powder and cannon of these 
cities, appointed by those of said religion, shall remain in charge of 
the same, upon re<;eiving a commission from the Grand Ma.ster ot 



GRANT FROM HENRY THE GREAT. 497 

the Artillery, and the Commissary General. Which lettci-s shall 
be executed gratuitously, putting into their hands the list signed 
in due form, of the magazines, munitions, ])owder and cannon ; 
without liowever allowing them, by virtue of these commissions, to 
lay claim to any immunity or privilege. Their salaries shall be 
f)aid out of the sums already appropriated foi- the support of the 
garrisons, without being chargeable to his Majesty for any other 
funds. And, inasmuch as those of the said religion have applied to 
his Majesty, to know what he has been j)leased to oi'der, witli re- 
gard to the exercise of said religion, in the town of Metz, inasmuch 
as it is not clearly expressed in the Edict oi- Secret Articles ; his 
Majesty declares that he has dispatched Letters Patent, by which 
it is directed, that the Temple, formerly erected in the said town 
by its inhabitants, shall be restored to them, to take away the ma- 
terials, or dispose of in any way they shall see fit ; without its being 
lawful however, for them to preach or have any religious exercises ; 
nevertheless, they shall be furnished with a convenient place, with- 
in the walls of the said town, where they may have public exercise 
of said religion, without it being necessary to name it in the Edict. 
His Majesty also grants, that notwithstanding the exercise of the said 
religion is forbidden within his court and suite, yet the Dukes, 
Peers of France, Officers of the Crown, Marquises, Counts, Gover- 
nors and Lieutenants-General, Marshals of the Camp, and Captains 
of the Guards of his said Majesty, who shall be of his suite, need 
not fear any examination into what they do in their own homes, 
provided that it be only in their own private family, with closed 
doors and without singing Psalms aloud, or doing any thing to make 
it known that there is a public exercise of the said religion ; and 
if his said Majesty shall remain over three days in any city or place, 
where the exercise is pernutted, the said exercise may be resumed 
after that time, and continued just as it was before his arrival. His 
Majesty declares that in the present posture of his affairs, he has 
been unable to include his territories beyond the Alps, Bresse, and 
Barcellone, in the jiermission given for the exercise of the said pre 
tended EetV)rmed religion. His Majesty, nevertheless, promises 
that when these territories shall be reduced to obedience, he will 
treat his subjects there, just as he treats those here, in all points 
granted by the Edict to those of said religion, notwithstanding any 
thing to the contrary in the Edict, and in the mean time they shall 
remain as they are. His Majesty grants, that those of the said pre- 



498 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

tended Reformed religion, who should be installed in the offices of 
Presidents and Councillors, to serve in the newly created Chambers 
ordered by the Edict, shall be installed gratuitously, and without 
payment for the first time, upon the list which siiall be presented 
to his Majesty by the Deputies of the Assembly of Chatellerault : 
as also the Attorneys and Solicitors-General, a])i)ointe<l by the same 
Edict, in the Chamber of l^ourdeaux : aud in case of the incorpora- 
tion of the said Chamber of JJourdeaux aud that of Toulouse, iu the 
said Parliaments, the said substitutes shall be provided with the 
offices of Councillor in those, also gratuitously. His said Majesty 
will also cause Messire Franc^ois Pitou to be api)ointed to the office 
of Substitute to the Attorney -General, in the Court of Parliament 
of Paris ; and for this end there shall be a new office created, and 
after the decease of the said Pitou, he shall be succeeded by a per- 
son of the said pretended Pkcformed religion. And in case of any 
vacancy occurring from the death of the Master of Requests, in the 
Hotel of the King, he will fill the first vacancies with persons of 
the pretended Reformed religion, whom his Majesty will see to be 
proper and suitable for tlie service: and also that thev l)e j)ers()ns 
responsible for the value of the tax of the escheats. And, in the 
meantime, it shall be ordered that there be two Masters of Requests 
appointed in each quarter, to report upon the petitions of those of 
said religion. His Majesty also permits the Deputies )f the said 
religion, assembled in the said city of Chatellerault, to remain to- 
gether, to the number of ten, in the city of Saumur, for the purpose 
of urging the execution of his Edict, until his said Edict shall be 
verified in the Court of Parliament of Paris, notwithstanding that 
the said Edict requires them to (lisi)erse immediately: without their 
being allowed however to make any fresh demands, nor to intermed- 
dle in any way other than urging the said execution, and completion 
by the Commissioners who shall be ordered for this purpose. And 
for all that is herein given, his Majesty pledges his word and faith 
by this present writing, which he will sign with his own hand, and 
have countersigned by the Secretaries of State, wishing it to have 
equal force and value with what is contained in an Edict, verified 
in his Courts of Parliament ; hoping those of the said religion will 
be contented, and accommodate themselves to existing circum- 
stances, doing their best for the service of the king, by not pressing 
to have this ordinance put in any more authentic form, having such 
confidence, in the word and the kindae s of his Majesty, as to believe 



I 



LOUIS fourteenth's proclamations, 40t) 

that he will cause them to enjoy tlit- full lifiirtit of it. Having tor 
this purpose commanded that all the expedition and dispatch shal. 
be made which is necessary for the execution of the above. 

Also signed, HENRI 
And below, Forget. 



The King''s Proclovintion^furhidding more than twelve persons to 
be jjyesent at the ireddings and baptisms oj' pefsons of the pre- 
tended Reformed religion. 

It having been represented to tie King, in Coimcil, that his 
having regulated the number of persons of the pretended Keformed 
religion who may attend at the funerals of those of said religion, 
they have made it a pretext for doing the same at marriages and 
baptisms, marching through the streets, [)retending to be a numer- 
ous body going to their temples, contrary to all former usage, and 
which it is proper to provide against. The King, in Council, tin re- 
fore decrees that in future not more than twelve persons, indudhig 
the ])arents, shall be present at the marriages and bay>tisms of those 
of the said i)retended Keformed religion, and no more shall walk 
through the streets, going to the said ceremonies, under penalty of 
forfeiting their privileges, &c.. &c., «fec. 

Given in Council, at St. Germain en Laye, the ninth day of No- 
vember, 1670. 

(Signed), PHELYPEAUX. 



Proclamation of the Sieur President and Lieutenant -General of 
Sedan., forbidding persoiiH (f the pretended Pef armed religion 
to expose.^ retail or sell animal food or game on days when the 
use of it is prohibited by the Church. 

It has been rejn-esented tt» us, by the King's Attorney-General, 
that an abusive practice jjirevails, without any authority but the 
having been established by the Ancient Princes, who were of the 
pretended Poformed religion. Butchers, as well Catholic as of the 
pretended Keformed religion, undertake to keep open the pulilic 
butchers' shambles, and to expose and sell meat publicly, duriui^ 
Lent, and other days of fa>tiiig and a!>stineiice ordered by the 



500 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

Church, which proceeding causes scandalous disorders to religion 
and is forbidden by the laws of the land, and is contrary to public 
decorum ; for, as the said shambles are in the Grand Square, and 
have two large and two small doors, one large one opening upon 
the said Grand Square, ou the road between the two streets leading 
from one gate of the city to the other, and forming the main en- 
trance and exit to and from the Kingdom, the other large door of 
tlie said public shambles being exactly opposite to the Church of 
the E. P. Jesuits, strangers passing through the city on their first 
arrival in the Kingdom, or tlieir departure from it, may well doubt 
if it be a Catholic place at all, perceiving indications like these of 
its being the contrary, which causes shame to decent people, and by 
which Catholics, French and foreign, are struck with horror, and 
the zeal and piety of a whole comnmnity is extremely scandalized, 
since it is the only city in the Kingdom where sach an abuse is tol- 
erated. Besides this, the inhabitants being part of them ot the one 
religion and [)art of the other, having grown up together, lived and 
traded with one another. Catholics are to be found whose habits and 
manners partake of the same intermingling as their interests and 
their commerce, and they actually go, in the most unscrupulous man- 
ner, to the public shambles, they buy and they eat animal food during 
Lent and upon other prohibited days. The same scandal si)reads to 
the Pork butchers. Poulterers, Pastry Cooks, Tavern-keepers, and 
others, who all sell meat, poultry and game, freely, openly and with 
impunity, in their shops or their houses at all times and to all sorts 
of persons, without distinction : which disorders having been pro- 
vided against by Proclamations and Decrees of the Council of State 
which supersede the general laws throughout the Kingdom, and, 
in consequence, the said Attorney-General has applied to us to have 
ihem kept, observed, and executed within our jurisdiction ; We, 
therefore, in conformity with this requisition, expressly forbid all 
Butchers, Pastry Cooks, Pork butchers. Poulterers, &c., alike Cath- 
olics or of the pretended Reformed religion, to expose, retail or sell 
meat or game of any kind whatever, either in the said public sham- 
bles or in their private shops during Lent, or on any other days 
when the use of meat is forbidden by the Church, making a reser- 
vation, only, for the sale of it privately to persons of the pretended 
Reformed religion, with the express under-standing that they shall 
not be permitted to furnish or give tbe same to any Catholic, under 
any circumstances or for any pretext wh;itsoever Nevertheless, 



PROCLAMATION OF THE SIKUR PKESIDKNT, 501 

it may lie funiitihed, in tlie same private wa}' to sick Catholics, whc 
shall be obhged to send a note from the Sieur Cure of this city, 
every time they make a purchase, and the said Butchers, Pastry 
Cooks, Pork Butchers and others are forbidden to sell meat, pastry, 
j)oultry or game in any other way ; and we command that they keep 
tlie Curb's notes very carefully during the week, and send them to 
us every Monday, under pain of forfeiting their stock and paying a 
tine of two hundred livres, one-tliird of which shall be the perqui- 
site of the informer. Under pain of the above-named punishment, 
we forbid all Tavern or Hotel keepers to sell or furnish in any way 
whatever, any meat, poultry or game to persons wlio on the for- 
bidden days shall eat, drink or lodge at their houses, be they Cath- 
olics or of the said pretended Reformed religion, residents, stran- 
gers or foreigners. We enjoin it upon all persons who shall know 
of any infraction of our present Ordinance, to give infornuition 
within twenty-four hours, under pain of a fine of twenty livres, 
one-third to be the perquisite of the informer. This proclamation 
shall be read, published and posted up in public and frequented sit- 
uations, in this citj' and faubourgs, also upon the four doors of the 
public shambles, &c., &c., &c. Given by the Honorable Joseph de 
Guillet de la Minardiere, Councillor of the King, Lieutenant-Gene- 
ral and President, on the part of His Majesty, in the Sovereign Court 

of St. Manges. 

ADAM 

la Menardiere. 
Mth February, 1672, 



Copy of Memorandum sent by Mr. Pelisson to various Bishops in 
Languedoc, dated I'ith June, 1677. 

Many conversions have been made in the valleys of Pragelas, 
through the instrumentality of Mr. de Grenoble, a comi)any for the 
Propagation of the Faith and some Jesuit Missionaries, so that 
without the distribution of a larger sum than 2000 crowns in all, 
sent at various times, a certified list has been sent in, with the names 
of from 700 to 800 persons restored to the church. Several Bishojis 
have done me the honor to write to me. and have said that they 
also could see the way to many conversions within their dioceses, 
if the mone}'^ could only ha sent to tiiciii. 1 replied, hy order of 
the king, that it would lie impossible to send \'\\\\i\<. ti> so many 



502 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY, 

places; 1/iit that each one in his own sphere should win-k as best he 
could, and that they niigiit furnish information when conversiong 
were likely to be made in fatnilies of consideration, in order that 
his Majesty might think it over, and make the recjuisite provision. 
At the same time they sliould by no means neglect the opportunity 
of making conversions amongst the families of the jteople. for which 
very little woiild be I'ecjuired, as we have seen in these valleys, 
where for two, three, four or tive pistoles, numerous families iiave 
been gained. I have even signified to them that they may go a>, 
liigh as 100 francs, though 1 have received no fresh order from his 
Majesty to pay the bills of exchange drawn upon me. This has 
been attended to most religiously in tbat res[)ect by tliose to whom 
1 had written of it. I said the same thing to Mr. Potei, Secretary 
to the Duke of Verneuil, who was going to the States of Langne- 
doc, in order that he might he prepared with information to give 
tlie Bishops assembled there, and I have confirmed to him by letter 
wiiat I had already said, and that, the more cheerfully, because the 
King, animated by the great success, has just made a fresh ai)pro- 
])riation for the purpose, of one-third of the funds derived from the 
revenues of vacant l^ishojirics, collected or to be collected from the 
month of December last, which funds are to be regularly laid aside 
for this use. It will oidy begin to be productive next year, but 
we may hope from that time to draw a regular sujiply for the 
future. Things remain yet in the state they were; even though 
the funds are not now available, means will be forthcoming to i>ay 
bills drawn u[<ou me. But the following conditions must be strictly 
observed : — 

1. That on no occasion must it be unknown, or little knowL 
persons, or pei'sons without character, who draw upon me. 

2. That each draft be accompanied by an abjuration, certifieK 
by the Bishop of the Diocese, the Intendant, or some other impoi- 
tant official personage, and also a receipt to be given to the Eccle 
siastic appointed by his Majesty to receive the temporalities of tin 
Abbeys of Cluny and St. Germain des Prez, together with the thirdi 
appropriated for the new conversions. 

Still the sum of 100 francs may be given, though it is not in 
tended to give as much on all occasions, economy being most essen 
tial, first, in order to let this dew water as laige a surface as possi 
ble, and also for the consideration that if 100 francs be given to insig 
nificant individuals, without families, how much larger would be tin 



I 



PROCLAMATION OF THE KINO. 503 

Nini.o expected by persons in ;i liiglicr position, and able to draw 
large families after them. 

Pfelates and others who are disposed to devote themselves to 
this charitable work, may i-est assured that in no way can they 
better recommend themselves to the favor of the King, who sees 
all the lists, than by imitating what has been done in Grenoble, 
where the siun of 100 francs was scarcely ever paid, generally very 
much less. 

Nevertheless, there is no objection to giving large sums to 
attain great objects, but the said large sums cannot be sent with- 
out submitting the case for his Majesty to decide upon himself. 



Proclamatio7i of the King forhidding thone of the pretended Re- 
formed Eeligioii to act as Accoucheurs or Curses. 

Louis, by the grace of God, King of France and Navarre, to all 
who shall see these presents, greeting. 

We have been informed that great abuses have arisen, in this 
our kingdom, from ])ermitting the attendance of persons of the 
pretended Reformed religion upon wtniien in childbirth, because, 
according to the principles of their religion, baptism is not abso- 
lutely necessary, and besides they not having the liberty to baptize, 
the administration of baptism being reserved to their ministers and 
to take place in their Temples, it happens that when children are 
dangerously ill, the absence of the minister, or distance from the 
Temple, makes it impossible to have them baptized before death. 
Likewise, when persons of said pretended Reformed religion are 
employed about Catliolic women they do not give timely notice 
when they see life in danger, because they do not believe in the 
Sacraments of the Church, and death takes place without the 
administration of said sacraments. We wish to remedy this abuse, 
and also to i)n)vidc against illegitimate cbildrcii of Roman (^atl.olic 
parents, whose birth is concealed, being bronglit up in the pre- 
tended Reformed religion, as they oft«n are from tlie lun-On-e and 
education being confided to those wlio attend ujiDn the mothers. 
For these and other causes, by the advice of our Council and of 
our own free will, full power and royal authority, we say and de- 
(^lare that it is our royal will and pleasure, that heiu-eforth no per 
son of either sex, making profession of the pretended Reformed 



504 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

religion, shall be allowed to have any thing to do with the care 
of either Catholic women or those of the pretended Reformed 
religion in childbirth, under penalty of being fined to the amount ol 
three thousand livres, &c., &c., &c. 

Given at St. G-ermain en Laye, the Twentieth day of February, 
year of grace 1680, and the thirty-seventh of our reign. 

Signed, Lotjis. 

[It would appear that the employment forbidden to Protestants 
by the above proclamation was one that had been followed by 
them with remarkable success, and even Roman Catholic women 
of high rank had more confidence in them than in those of their 
own faith, and were most anxious still to employ them, ofiering 
great and unusual remuneration for the risk to induce them still to 
attend. It is well known that the mind has much influence on the 
body at such times, and it was believed that the above proclama- 
tion caused the loss of many lives, not so much from want of skill 
in those assisting as in fright and want of confidence on the part of 
the patients.] 

Declaration of the King to the effect^ tliat children of the age of 
seven years may he converted from the Pretended Reformed 
Religion^ &c. 

Louis, by the grace of God, King of France and Navarre, to all 
who see these letters, greeting. 

The great success which it has pleased God to give to the spiri- 
tual stirring np, and other reasonable means, we have employed for 
the conversion of our subjects of the said pretended Reformed re- 
ligion, making it expedient for us to second the movement that God 
has commenced amongst our subjects, discovering to them the errors 
in which they were born, we ought to liave resolved to annid our 
Declaration, of the first day of February, of the year 1669, by which 
children of said religion were in some sort excluded from con- 
version to the Catholic, Apostolical Roman Church, at the age of 
seven, when they are competent to exercise their reason, and make 
a choice upon a subject o.f so much iiuportance as their own salva- 
tion, until the ages respectively of fourteen for males, and twelve for 
females, although the Edict of Nantes contained uo such provision, 
which should have been required. Moved by these and other influ- 



IJECLARATION OF THE KING. 505 

ential cunsideratious, wt- have said and declared, and we do say 
and declaiT, by these presents, signed witli uiir own hand, that 
henceforth, it is our will and pleasure that our said subjects of the 
pretended Reformed religion, as well nude as female, having at- 
tained the age of sev^n years, may lawfully be received to abjure 
the said pretended Reformed religion, without permitting their 
fathers, mothers, or any otlier relation to put any impediment in 
the way, under any pretext whatsoever, annulling, for this purpose, 
aa much as may be necessary of our said Declaration of the first 
day of February-, 1669. It is our will also, that the newly con- 
verted children, of the age of seven years, shall have the full benefit 
of our Declaration of the fourteenth day of October, 1665, and, in 
conformity with that, they shall have free choice, after their con- 
version, either to return to their parents, and be maintained at 
home, or to go elsewhere, and require from them an allowance for 
support, proportioned to their condition and means, which allow- 
ance the said fathers and mothers shall be obliged to pay, quarterly, 
to their children, and in case of refusal, they shall be forced to do 
it, by all suitalile and reasonable means. Whereas we have been 
informed, that several of our subjects, of the said pretended Re- 
formed religion, have sent their children for education to foreign 
countries, where they may imbibe sentiments contrary to the fidelity 
due to us and to the State from their birth ; we enjoin it upon them 
expressly to send for their children home without delay. And for 
those who are possessed of real proijerty, they shall forfeit the whole 
income the first year, and half of it, every year afterwards, until 
they recall their children. Those who have not real property, shall 
be fined in proportion to their moans, and the said penalties of in- 
come and fine shall be in force year after year, until the children 
return home. We prohibit henceforth any of our subjects of said 
pretended Reformed religion, from sending their children to foreign 
countries, for education, under sixteen years of age, without our ex- 
press permission, under pain of the jjunishments above-named. 

This command is given to our trusty and well-beloved Council- 
lors, «&c., &c., &c. 

Given at Versailles, this iTth day of June, ami year of grace, 
1681, and of our reign the 39th. 

Signed LOUIS. 

On the fold. By the King. Colbert. 

Sealed with the great seal with yellow .vax. 
22 



506 MEMOIRS OF A IFUGUENOT FAMILY. 



Decree of the Council of Btate^ forbidding -prifsate Individunh to r* 
ceive the sick of the pretended Reformed religion into theii 
homes. 

The King being notified, tliat vurious private individuals, as well 
in the good City of Paris, as in other parts of his kingdom, have 
taken upon themselves, under the pretext of charity, to receive sick 
persons of the pretended Reformed religion into tlieir houses, and 
that in some places such accommodations for the sick have been 
provided by the Consistories, and tlie intention of his Majesty being 
that the said persons of the said religion sliall be taken tt) tlie IIos- 
I>itals, and there treated like the Catholics, and that those willing 
to be converted, jnay avoid the danger of being hindered by being 
in the said private houses, in the hands of persons of the said re- 
ligion. His Majesty in Council expressly forbids all private in- 
dividuals, of whatsoever rank or condition, from receiving, under 
pretext of charity, the sick of the said religion into their houses, but 
commands that they be taken to the Hospitals, to be there treated 
like the sick Catholics. Under penalty to a private individual, who 
infringes tliis law, of paying a fine of 500 livres, and forfeiting, to 
the Hospital in the place, all the furniture and other articles used 
about the sick persons ; and to tlie Consistories who infringe the 
law, the penalty will be a prohibition of all religious exercises in 
the places where they have houses to receive sick persons of the 
pretended Reformed religion. 

His Majesty enjoins the publication of this Decree uiion the In- 
temlants. Commissioners, &c., &c. 

Given in the Council of State of the King, His Majesty being 
present, held at Versailles, the 4th September, 1684. 

Signed, Colbert. 



Edict of the King^ which revokes that of Nantes^ and all consequent 
ijpoti it, and forbids all pnhlic exercise of the pretended Reform' 
ed religion in the Kingdom. 

Louis, by the grace of God King of France and Ka\arre: to all 
that are and shall be, greeting. 

The King Henry the Great, our Grandsire of glorious memory, 
desirous that the peace he had obtained for his subjects, after the 



EDICT OF KKVOCATION. 507 

sufferings they had endurtd tlirough a long period of domestic and 
foreign wars, sliould not he disturbed on account of the pretended 
Reformed religion, as it liad ha]>i)ened during the reigns of the 
Kings his predecessors, endeavortnl by his Edict given at Nantes 
ill the month of A[)ril, 15'J8, to make reguhitions with respect tc 
those of said religion, the jdaces where the exercise of said religion 
might be allowed ; He also a])i)ointed Judges Extraordinary to ad- 
minister justice on their behalf, and at length he even provided 
secret artii;les containing all that he deemed necessary for the 
maintenance of tranquillity in his Kingdom and lessening the hatred 
existing between those of the two religions, in order to place liim- 
self in a more advantageous; position for laboring, as he had res»>lv- 
ed he would, to re-unite to the Church those who had Iteen so easily 
detached from it. And, as the intention of the King our Grand- 
sire could not be carried out effectually on account of his untimely 
death, and that even during the minority of the deceased King, 
our much honored Lord and Father, of glorious memory, the exe- 
cution of the Edict was interrupted by new enterprises of those 
of the pretended Reformed religion, which gave occasion to de^)rive 
them of various privileges wliieh had been granted by the said 
Edict : nevertheless, the King, our said deceased Lord and Father, 
displaying his accustomed clemency, granted them yet another 
Edict at Nimes, in the month of July, 1629, by means of wiru-h, 
tramiuillity having been re-established once more, the said King, 
animated b}' the same spirit and zeal for religion that had tilled the 
breast of the King, our said (ii'andsire, resolved to i)rot1t by thin 
rei)Ose and try to put his pious design in execution, but foreign 
Avar broke out a few years later, so that from the year 1635 until 
the conclusion of the treaty, in the year 1684, with the Princes of 
Europe, the Kingdom being almost always in a state of agitation, 
it was impossible for him to do any thing for the benefit of religion 
but to lessen the lunnber of exercises of those of tlie pretended 
Reformed religion, by forbidding Avhatever he found established 
contrary to the orders of the Edicts, and by dissolving the Mixed 
Chambers, whose establishment had only been provisional. God 
having at last jjermitted our i)eople to enjoy [)erfect peace, and re- 
lieveil us from the care of j)rotccting them against foreign enemies, 
profiting by this treaty, we are enabled to give our entire attention 
to finding the best mode of carrying out successfully the intention 
of the Kings, our said Sire and (!rand>ire, wliich subject has occu 



508 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

pied our thoug^lits, from the time of our succeeding to the Crown 
We now behold, with due gratitude to God for it, that our exertiont 
have accompHshed what we proposed, since the greater part of out 
subjects of the said pretended Reformed rehgiun have embraced 
the Catholic, and inasmuch as on this account the execution of the 
Edict of Nantes, and every thing else ordered in favoi- ^f the pre- 
tended Reformed religion becomes useless, we have resolved that 
we can do nothing better, with the view of destroying all memory 
of the past troubles, confusion and evils caused by the i)rogress of 
this false religion in our Kingdom, which gave rise to this, and so 
many other preceding and subsequent Edicts and Proclamations, 
than to revoke entirely the said Edict of Nantes, and the secret 
articles granted after it, and all done since iu favor of said religion, 

1. Be it known, that for these causes, and others by which we 
are influenced, of our own certain knowledge, full power and Royal 
authority, we have by this perpetual and irrevocable decree repeal- 
ed and revoked and we do repeal and revoke the Edict of the King 
our said Grandsire, given at Nantes in the month of April, 1598, 
to its full extent, together with the private articles issued on the 2d 
May following, and the Letters Patent executed upon them, and the 
Edict given at Nimes, in the month of July, 1029. We declare 
them all null and void, together with all other concessions proceed- 
ing from these or other Edicts, Proclamations and Decrees to the 
people of the pretended Reformed religion, of any kind whatsoever, 
which shall all be as though they never had any existence, and 
consequently, it is our will and pleasure, that all ])laces of worship 
belonging to those of the said pretended Reformed religion, situated 
within our Kingdom, Countries, Lands and Manors under our gov- 
ernment, be demolished forthwith. 

2. We forbid our said subjects of the pretended Reformed reli- 
gion to assemble themselves together for religious exercises in any 
y)lace or private house, under any pretext whatsoever, the same in 
bailiwicks and otherwise, even if the said exercises may have been 
sustained by decrees of our Council. 

3. We likewise forbid all Lords of the Manor, of whatever 
rank they may be, to hold religious exercises in their houses or with- 
in their fiefs, be the fiefs what kind they may, under penalty to all 
ou-r said subjects who take part in said exercises, of confiscation 
and imprisonment. 

4. We enjoin all Ministers of the said pretended Reformed re- 



EDICT OF REVOCATION. 509 

ligion, who are not willing to be converted and to embrace the 
Apostolical Roman Catholic religion, to depart from our Kingdom 
and Territories within fifteen days after the publication of our j)res- 
ent Edict, without being permitted to remain beyond that time, nor 
during the said fifteen days can they be allowed to preach, exhort 
or perform other functions, under penalty of the galleys. 

5. We wish those of said Ministers who shall be converted, to 
continue in the enjoyment for life, and their widows after them, m 
long as they remain in the state of widowhood, of the same ex- 
emption from tax and the quartering upon them of soldiers that 
they enjoyed while performing the functions of the Ministry ; and 
besides this, we shall order pensions to be paid to the said Ministers 
for life, amounting to one-third more than the sum they received 
as Ministers ; the half of which pension shall be continued to their 
widows after their death, so long as they remain widows. 

6. If any of the said Ministers desire to become Advocates or 
to take the degree of Doctor of Laws, we would have it under- 
stood that the three years of study prescribed by our Proclama- 
tions, shall be dispensed witli in their case, and after having been 
submitted to examination in the usual way, and being judged com- 
petent, they may be received as Doctors upon paying only half the 
fees that are usually collected on such occasions in each University. 

7. We prohibit private schools for the instruction of children 
of the pretended Reformed religion, and generally, every thing 
whatever that could be construed as a concession, in any sort of 
way, in favor of the said religion. 

8. With regard to the children of those of the said pretended 
Reformed religion, we desire that henceforth they be baptised by 
the Cur^ of the Parish. We enjoin the fathers and mothers to send 
the children to Church for the purpose, under penalty of the pay- 
ment of a fine of 500 livres, or more if it lapses ; and afterwards, 
the children shall be brought up in the Apostolic Roman Catholic 
religion. We desire the Magistrates of the place to pay particuar 
attention to this point. 

9. And to evince our clemency towards those of said pretended 
Reformed religion who have gone out of our Kingdom and Terri- 
tories before the pul)lication of this, our Edict, we wish to have it 
understood that in case they come back within four months from 
the date of the said publication, they may, and it is quite open to 
them to resume possession of their property, and enjoy it as entire- 



510 MEMOIRS OF A HUGUENOT FAMILY. 

ly as it' they liad always reiiiaiiiod in tlie (•(nintry. < 'n tlie CiMitra- 
ry, with respect to those who (\o not return within tlic four nionthf 
to our Kingdom, their ])roi)orty sliall all he confiseatei], in confonii' 
ity with our Proclamation of the twentieth of last August. 

10. We make exj^ress and reiterated declarations, tliat none of 
our suhjects of the said ])retended Reformed religion, they, their 
wives or children, shall be permitted to take away Avith them from 
our Kingdom and Territories any of tlieir ])roperty or jiossession? 
under ])enalty of the galleys for men, and confiscation and im- 
prisonment for women. 

We wish it understood that proclamations issued against those 
wlio have relajised shall be executed according to tlieir form and 
tenor. 

The remainder of those of the said pretended lieformed religion 
while waiting until it pleases God to enlighten them as he lias 
done others, may remain in the cities and places within our king- 
dom and territories, and continue to follow commercial pursuits 
there, and enjoy their property in peace without being disturbed 
or hindered under pretext of the said pretended Reformed religion 
on condition as before said, that they have no religious exercises, 
no assembling for prayer or worship of any kind according to said 
rehgion, under the above-named penalty of confiscation and im- 
[)risonment. 

Therefore we command our right trusty and entirely beloved 
people who compose our Courts of Parliament, Court of Exchequer, 
and Courts of Aids, Bailiff^s, Seneschals, Provoste and other Magis- 
trates and Officers, whose duty it may be, as well as their Lieuten- 
ants, to cause our present Edict to be read, jiublislied, and registered 
within their courts and jurisdiction, even in the time of vacation: 
and they must maintain it and cause it to be maintained, kejit anr" 
ol)served in every point without contravention, and they must not 
[lermit it to be contravened in any way whatever. For such is oui 
will and pleasure, and in order that the thing may lie established 
and inviolable for ever, we Imve affixed our seal to these presents. 

Given at Fontainebleau, in the month of October, year of gracf 
1685, and forty-third of our reign. 

Signed, LOUIS, 

And on the fold visa, Li Tellier, 

And at the side by tlie King, Colbert. 

And sealed with the Great Seal with green wax. 'ijion red an<! 
green silk cords. 



CONFESSION OF FAITH. 511 



Oonfemion of Faith required to he subscribed to by converts /rom tM 
Protestant Church; a very little modified^ in tTie articles upon 
Purgatory and the Invocation of Saints, from that which waa 
prepared under Pirn IV. after the Council of Trent. 

I, A. B., believe with steadfast faitli, and acknowledge all and 
every oue of the articles contained in this Creed used in the holy 
Roman Church, that is to say— * * » ♦ 

[Here follows the Nicene Creed.] 

1 believe and embrace steadfastly the Traditions of the Apostles 
and of the Holy Church, with all its constitutions and observances. 

1 admit and receive the Holy Scriptures according to and in the 
sense tliat the Holy Mother holds and has held, to whom belongs 
the right understanding and inter])retation of the said Scriptures, 
and never will I receive or expound them otherwise than according 
to the common agreement and unanimous consent of the Fatliers. 

I confess tliat there are seven Sacraments truly and properly so 
called in the new Law, instituted by our Lord Jesus Christ, and 
necessary, but not all to every individual, for the salvation of 
mankind, which are Baptism, Confirmation, the Holy Eucharist, 
Penance, Extreme Unction, Ordination, and Marriage, and through 
these the grace of God is given to us ; and that of them Baptism, 
Confirmation and Ordination cannot be repeated without sacrilege. 

I believe also and admit the ceremonies adopted by the Catholic 
Church, and made use of in the solenm administrations of the said 
Sacraments. 

I believe also and embrace every thing defined and determined 
by the Holy Council of Trent on the subject of original sin and 
justification. 

1 acknowledge that in the Holy Mass a true, fitting, and propitia- 
tory sacrifice for the dead and the living is offered to (Jod, and that 
the body and blood witli the spirit of the Divinity of our Lord 
Jesus Christ is truly, really, and substantially in the very Holy 
Sacrament of the Eucliarist, and that a conversion of the entire 
substance of tlie entire bread into the body, and the enti-re sub- 
•tance of the wine into the blood, takes place in it, which couvep- 
sion is called Transubstantiation by the Catholic Church. 

I confess also that we take and receive Jesus Christ whole acd 
Autiie in oue only of the two kinds in a true Sacrament. 



>^ 



R12 MEMOlliS OF A IIUGUKNOT 1 AMHA'. 

I confess tliat there is a Purgatory in whicli tlie souls that &r« 
detained may be benefited by the good works and prayers of the 
faithful. 

1 avow that we ought to honor and invoke the Messed Saints, 
male and female, who are reigning with Jesus Christ and ottering 
their prayers for us, and that we ought to venerate their holy 
relics. 

As also that we ought to have ami to retain images of Jesus 
Christ and of his blessed and always Virgin Mother, and the other 
Saints, male and female, rendering to them tlie lumor and reverence 
that is their due. 

I confess that Jesus Christ l)equeatlied to his Church the power 
of granting Indulgences, and that its u.se is very beneficial to Chris- 
tian people. 

I recognize the Holy Apostolic Roman Catholic Church as the 
Mother and Head of all Churches. 

I promise and swear true obedience to the Pope and Holy Father 
of Rome, Successor of St. Peter, Chief and Prince of the Apostles, 
and Vicar of Jesns Christ. 

I approve without any doubt, and T make profession of all that 
has been decided, determined and declared by the Holy Canons 
and General Councils, and especially by the Holy Council of Trent, 
and I reject, condemn, and anathematize all that is contrary to 
them, and all heresies cx)ndemned, rejected, and anathematized by 
the Church. 

I, A. B., promise, vow, and swear, upon the Holy Evangelists, to 
persevere entirely and inviolably until I draw my latest breath, by 
the aid of God's grace, in maintaining this Catholic Faith, out of 
which there is no salvation and no one can be saved, and which 
now I make profession of without any constraint, and, as far as 
may be possible, I will cause to be held, kept, observed, and pro- 
fessed by all those over whom I have charge in my house and 
my station of life. 

Therefore, God and the Holy Evangelists, on whom I swear and 
make oath, helping me, giving my hand to N., and in the preseuoe 
of the undersigned witnesses, &c., «&c., &c. 

THB END 



If:. J 9*30 









' N -'^ / ,. , ^ '\ O ' / x- ' <> « ,1. ' A 



\ 

o 












v\^ 






,-0' s 









4 ^^ \0 o. 



1 " ; " -4. -/■ V 



c 



,v\^^' -^p. 



■^ 






.-y- 



A^' 







.1^ 


^ 






■ V 


-% 






. A^^' 


*< 






• U 








,0^ s^' 


' '* ,. 






'' ^^• 




-oo^ 






A^^ 


'^'t 







V- 



.-y 









V- 



"'^^- ,^\^'" 



A^^ 



^^ V^ 



X^^.. 









,0^ 






,A.^ ^< 



■^/-J 



^,^' 



^\^> 



K 



'.0- 



.\^- 'V 



.\\^~ 



.^^^ 



^V 



■"6 






■s- .^^ 



•Ol- V 



v'^- 



3 -^.^ 



^•^>- 






.^ '/: 



:^. 



